As Minister of Foreign Affairs, he managed to keep the Russian Empire away from acute European conflicts.

Alexander Mikhailovich Gorchakov is one of the best diplomats in Russian history. As Minister of Foreign Affairs, he managed to keep the Russian Empire away from acute European conflicts and return his state to its former position as a great world power.
Rurikovich

Alexander Gorchakov was born into an old noble family, descended from the Yaroslavl Rurik princes. Having received good home education, he passed the exam brilliantly and was accepted into Tsarskoye Selo Lyceum. This was the first intake of the educational institution, which in the future included the most prominent people of their time. One of Gorchakov’s friends from the Lyceum was Pushkin, who wrote about his comrade “a pet of fashion, a friend of the great world, a brilliant observer of customs.” For his excessive zeal and ambition, Sasha Gorchakov received the nickname “dandy” at the lyceum.

The liberal lyceum atmosphere brought up valuable qualities in the future diplomat, which in the future affected his internal and foreign policy convictions. While still at the Lyceum, he advocated for the introduction and spread of civil rights and freedoms and the limitation of serfdom. Already at the Lyceum, Gorchakov knew what he wanted and confidently set his sights on the diplomatic service. He was well educated, distinguished by his excellent knowledge of several languages, wit and breadth of outlook. In addition, young Gorchakov was extremely ambitious. He recalled his younger self with irony and claimed that he was so ambitious that he would carry poison in his pocket if he was passed over.

Fortunately, Alexander did not have to use poison; he resolutely began his career. Already at the age of twenty-one, he served under Count Nesselrod at congresses in Tropau, Ljubljana and Verona. Gorchakov's career developed rapidly. By that time he hardly remembered about the poison in his pocket.

After the Crimean War

Gorchakov's main achievements in the diplomatic service are associated with his work in resolving international politics after the Crimean War, in which Russia's defeat put the country in a disadvantageous and even dependent position.
The international situation in Europe changed after the war. The Holy Alliance, in which Russia played a leading role, collapsed and the country found itself in diplomatic isolation. Under the terms of the Peace of Paris, the Russian Empire practically lost the Black Sea and lost the opportunity to station a fleet there. According to the article “on the neutralization of the Black Sea,” Russia’s southern borders remained exposed.

Gorchakov urgently needed to change the situation and take decisive steps to change Russia’s place. He understood that the main task of his activities after the Crimean War should be to change the conditions of the Paris Peace, especially in the matter of neutralizing the Black Sea. The Russian Empire was still under threat. Gorchakov needed to look for a new ally. Prussia, which was gaining influence in Europe, became such an ally.
Gorchakov decides to make a “knight’s move” and writes a circular in which he unilaterally breaks the Paris Peace Treaty. He bases his decision on the fact that the remaining countries do not comply with the terms of previous agreements. Prussia supported the Russian Empire; it already had enough weight to influence the international situation. France and England were, of course, unhappy with this, but during the London Conference of 1871, the “neutrality of the Black Sea” was abolished. Russia's sovereign right to build and maintain a navy here was confirmed. Russia rose from its knees again.

Great Power Neutrality

The policy of neutrality became the credo of Gorchakov’s foreign policy. He himself repeated more than once: “There are no divergent interests that cannot be reconciled by zealously and persistently working on this matter in a spirit of justice and moderation.”
He managed to localize the flaring wars, preventing them from growing to a continental scale when crises broke out - Polish, Danish, Austrian, Italian, Cretan...

He knew how to keep Russia away from acute conflicts, protecting it from military involvement in European problems, for more than twenty years.
Meanwhile, Europe was rocked by endless conflicts: the Austro-Franco-Sardinian War (1859), the War of Austria and Prussia against Denmark (1865), the Austro-Prussian War (1866), the Austro-Italian War (1866), the Franco-Prussian War (1870). –1871).

Resolution of the Polish crisis

The key link in European politics in the 60s of the 19th century was the Polish crisis, which erupted as a result of the strengthening of national liberation movements. Events in Poland served as a pretext for the intervention of France and England in Polish affairs: the governments of these countries demonstratively demanded that Russia meet the demands of the rebels. A noisy anti-Russian campaign developed in the English and French press. Meanwhile, weakened after the Crimean War, Russia could not afford to lose Poland as well; abandoning it could lead to collapse Russian Empire.

The culmination of the diplomatic battle came on June 5, 1863, when English, French and Austrian dispatches were handed over to Gorchakov. Russia was asked to declare an amnesty for the rebels, restore the constitution of 1815 and transfer power to an independent Polish administration. Future status Poland was to be discussed at the European conference.
On July 1, Gorchakov sent reply dispatches: Russia denied the three powers the legitimacy of their third-party suggestions and vigorously protested against interference in its own internal affairs. The right to consider the Polish question was recognized only by the participants in the partitions of Poland - Russia, Prussia and Austria. Thanks to Gorchakov’s efforts, another anti-Russian coalition did not take shape.

He managed to play on the Anglo-French contradictions around the Vienna Convention of 1815, and on Austria’s fear of getting into new war. Poland and France were left alone. Overcoming the Polish crisis through classical and public diplomacy is considered to be the pinnacle of Gorchakov’s political career.

Finding a new ally

Against the background of the betrayal of Austria and the unfriendly neutrality of Prussia during the Crimean War, as well as international isolation following the conflict, the Russian Empire had an urgent need to find a new ally. It turned out to be the USA, one of the main enemies of England, which at that time was covered Civil War between North and South.
In 1863, Alexander II authorized a very risky action - the hidden transition of two squadrons Russian fleet to the Atlantic and Pacific coasts of the United States, thereby demonstrating support for the North. For the fragile American statehood, the certainty of Russia's position turned out to be very useful. According to the organizers of the campaign, the expedition was designed to show the whole world Russia's self-confidence, despite the threats made against it in connection with Polish events. It was a real challenge.

Nevertheless, this bold step, at that time, gave Russia a new promising ally, to whom, subsequently, on Gorchakov’s initiative, Alaska would be sold. Today, this political move seems unjustified, but in the second half of the 19th century it made it possible to complete Alexander’s reform reforms and restore the country’s economy.

Alexander Mikhailovich Gorchakov is a famous Russian diplomat. He was born in 1798, in Estonia, in the city of Gapsal, now called Haapsalu. They belonged to an old Russian noble family.

In 1811, he entered the Tsarskoye Selo Lyceum, where, in addition to him, many famous people in the future studied science, including Pushkin. Alexander Gorchakov was one of the best students, everyone noticed this. And even Alexander Sergeevich Pushkin highly appreciated Gorchakov’s abilities.

In 1816, Alexander Gorchakov began attending additional classes at the Lyceum, which were devoted to diplomacy. A year later, in the summer of 1817, he entered the service of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs.

During the congresses of the Holy Alliance, Alexander Mikhailovich was in the retinue. Gorchakov was distinguished from his colleagues by his great hard work and diligence. So, in 1822 he was appointed first secretary of the Russian embassy in London.

The peculiarities of the English climate undermined Gorchakov’s health. In 1827 he was transferred to Rome, and a year later to Florence. In 1833 he found himself in Vienna. In his reports to St. Petersburg, he warned that the Austrians were pursuing a Russophobic policy, although they preserved their outward appearance. After another report on the antics of Austria-Hungary in the Balkans, Alexander Mikhailovich was dismissed.

Returning to his homeland, he married Maria Urusova. Influential relatives of his wife assisted in the return of the disgraced diplomat to public service. In 1841, Gorchakov was appointed Russian ambassador to the Principality of Württemberg. Seven years later, Europe was ablaze with the fires of revolution. Alexander Mikhailovich compiled a report in which he shared his views on the events. The emperor really liked the report. The diplomat earned the respect of the emperor. In 1850, Alexander Gorchakov became envoy extraordinary to the German Union Diet in the city of Frankfurt.

All of Alexander Gorchakov’s fears about Austria were confirmed. It was Vienna that prevented the Russian army from making a rush to Istanbul. The diplomat is sent into the thick of foreign policy squabbles. Yes, exactly to Vienna. Here he works very fruitfully, doing everything to weaken the anti-Russian coalition, but at the same time remain good friends with everyone. Gorchakov immediately lays the foundation for friendship with France.

Soon he ascended to the Russian presto. The new emperor appreciated all of Gorchakov’s actions. In 1856, Alexander Mikhailovich became Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Empire. Three years later, through his efforts, the Russian Empire and France signed a cooperation agreement. France needed support in the war with Austria. After the defeat of the latter, the union state violated the obligation of the treaty.

After the Polish uprising, all European powers wanted independence for this state. Everything except Russia. So, Gorchakov sends letters to all capitals in which he says that the Russian Empire is stopping all negotiations on Poland.

In 1867, Alexander Mikhailovich received the rank of state chancellor. According to the table of ranks, which was still adopted, this was the highest rank of a civil servant. He became the last subject of the Russian Empire to reach this rank.

In the 70s, Prussia crushed France. After the end of the war, Gorchakov declared the peace agreement after the Crimean War invalid. This was a victory for Russian diplomacy.

In 1882, the diplomat resigned. Emperor Alexander II accepted the resignation. A year later, Gorchakov died. Alexander Mikhailovich - outstanding personality 19th century for Russian history, an amazing diplomat and person.

215 years ago, His Serene Highness Prince Alexander Mikhailovich Gorchakov, a prominent Russian diplomat, whose name is inscribed in “golden letters” in the history of Russian diplomacy, was born.statesman, Chancellor, Knight of the Order of St. Apostle Andrew the First-Called.

Yes, you kept your word:
Without moving a gun, not a ruble,
Comes into its own again
Native Russian land -

And the sea bequeathed to us
Again a free wave,
Having forgotten about the brief shame,
He kisses his native shore.

F. I. Tyutchev

Alexander Mikhailovich was born on June 15, 1798 in Gapsala into a military family. His father, Major General Mikhail Alekseevich Gorchakov, was often assigned to different cities due to his duties, and the family lived either in Gapsala, or in Revel, or in St. Petersburg. The mother, Elena Vasilievna Ferzen, was in charge of raising the children, and there were five of them in the family - four daughters and a son. Primary education Alexander received a home and then graduated from high school in St. Petersburg.

In 1811, he “passed brilliantly” the entrance exams and entered the Tsarskoye Selo Lyceum. Here he studied in the same class with A. S. Pushkin, who dedicated one poem to him, predicting a brilliant future:

The wayward hand of Fortune has shown you a path both happy and glorious.

At the Lyceum, Gorchakov receives the nickname “Front” and is accepted into the fraternity of 30 boys. After spending six years at the Lyceum, he graduates with a gold medal for “exemplary good behavior, diligence and excellent success in all parts of the sciences.”

At the age of 19, the young prince began his diplomatic career in the Foreign Ministry with the rank of titular adviser. His first teacher and mentor was the Secretary of State for Eastern and Greek Affairs, Count I. A. Kapodistrias, with whom Alexander Gorchakov participated in congresses as part of the Russian delegation Holy Alliance in Troppau, Laibach and Verona. And if the young diplomat’s relationship with his mentor was excellent, then Gorchakov did not enjoy the favor of Count K.V. Nesselrode, Secretary of State for Western European Affairs. Count Nesselrode did his best to slow down his career advancement. At the end of 1819, Gorchakov received the rank of chamber cadet, and soon the position of secretary of the Russian embassy in London, which he had long dreamed of.

Since the beginning of his service in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Gorchakov has well mastered the intricacies of diplomatic art and did not interfere in the struggle of departmental groupings of the ministry, but was engaged in improving his professional skills. Having received an appointment to London, he quickly began to make a career: 1820 - secretary of the embassy, ​​1822 - first secretary, 1824 - the rank of court adviser, which testified to the emperor's recognition of the abilities and talents of the young diplomat.

Gorchakov remained in London until 1827. His relationship with the Russian Ambassador Lieven left much to be desired, and Alexander Mikhailovich left London “due to deteriorating health.” He was transferred to the post of First Secretary in Rome - a place less prestigious than London. Here Gorchakov makes useful contacts, among whom Josephine Beauharnais’s daughter, Hortense, the mother of the future French emperor Louis Napoleon, studies Greek and delves into the state of affairs in the Balkans. A year later he is transferred to Berlin as an embassy adviser, but soon returns to Italy again as charge d'affaires

Before his resignation, Gorchakov served in Florence and Lucca, was an envoy to Tuscany, and an adviser to the embassy in Vienna. He retired in 1838 with the rank of state councilor. His departure from service was caused not only by his marriage to Maria Alexandrovna Urusova, whose marriage strengthened Gorchakov’s position at court, since his wife’s family was rich and influential, but also by his relationship with Count Nesselrode, which was far from friendly. Alexander Mikhailovich secretly hoped that the resignation would not be accepted, but it was accepted, which greatly offended the ambitious diplomat.

As time passed, life in the capital and entertainment at court smoothed out the bitterness of leaving the service. Alexander Mikhailovich kept waiting for him to be invited again to take up a position in the Foreign Ministry, but no invitation was received. Seeing his son-in-law's concern, Count Urusov begins to promote his return to service.

Returning to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, in 1841 Gorchakov was sent as envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary to Württemberg. The appointment seemed secondary, but in fact the German question was one of the central issues in Russia’s European policy. In St. Petersburg they closely followed internal processes in the German states, behind the struggle between Austria and Prussia, who wanted to play a leading role in the unification of Germany. Gorchakov’s task boiled down to maintaining the authority of Russia as the patroness of the German countries and skillfully using contradictions, since the creation of a strong, united Germany on the borders of the empire was unsafe for Russia. The diplomat's connections at the court of the Württemberg princes helped Gorchakov transfer to St. Petersburg unique material about the secret plans of the governments of the countries of the German Union. The activities of Alexander Mikhailovich were highly appreciated. The King of Württemberg awarded him the Order of the Grand Cross, and Emperor Nicholas I presented him with the Orders of St. Anne and St. Vladimir. In 1850, Gorchakov was appointed to the post of envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary to the German Confederation.

In 1853, Alexander Mikhailovich suffered a personal tragedy - the death of his wife, with whom they lived happily for 15 years. Caring for his sons and the children from Maria Alexandrovna’s first marriage fell on his shoulders. Concern for their upbringing did not prevent him from continuing active diplomatic activity, which acquired special weight on the eve of the Crimean War. In these difficult years for Russia, Gorchakov once again declared himself as a diplomat of the highest class.

In 1854 he received an appointment as ambassador to Vienna. England and France have already taken the side of Turkey. Austria was still hesitant, and Gorchakov's task was reduced to eliminating Austria as a possible ally of Turkey in the fight against Russia. The task was very difficult, and Nicholas I, accompanying Gorchakov to Vienna, told him “I trust you, but I do not at all hope that your efforts will be crowned with success.” Arriving in Vienna, Alexander Mikhailovich personally became convinced that the emperor’s fears were not in vain. He immediately reported to St. Petersburg about the gathering of Austrian troops to Transylvania, which threatened the Russian army on the Danube, about the demand for the withdrawal of Russian troops from the territory of the Danube principalities, about the attempts of the Austrian government to involve Prussia in the war with Russia. Having great authority and making enormous efforts, Gorchakov managed to prevent Austria from entering the Crimean War.

At the Paris Congress, which began in February 1856, Russian interests were represented by diplomats A.F. Orlov and F.I. Brunnov. Heroic Defense Sevastopol, the capture of Kars and successful work Gorchakov played a role in weakening the anti-Russian coalition important role in the respectful attitude of the congress participants towards the Russian delegation. Gorchakov himself was not in Paris, and when the work of the congress was completed, he was already in St. Petersburg. His successful work in protecting the interests of Russia was highly appreciated by the new Emperor Alexander II.

The lost war and the collapse of Count Nesselrode's diplomatic policy forced Alexander II to change the direction of Russian foreign policy and begin to transform internal governance. needed new minister Foreign Affairs, and Alexander Mikhailovich Gorchakov becomes the head of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. The emperor hoped that the prince would be able to restore the country's prestige, undermined by the defeat in the Crimean War.

Minister Gorchakov outlined the new direction of foreign policy in a circular dated August 21, 1856 and in a personal report to the emperor. It emphasized the government's desire to devote "primary care" internal affairs, spreading activities beyond the empire, “only when the positive benefits of Russia absolutely require it.” The refusal to actively engage in foreign policy was temporary, which is confirmed by Gorchakov’s phrase: “They say Russia is angry. No, Russia is not angry, but is concentrating.” This meant that Russia would temporarily not actively interfere in European affairs and would not sacrifice its interests in order to support the principles of the Holy Alliance; it would gather its strength.

The new minister saw one of his main tasks in the abolition of the humiliating articles of the Paris Treaty on the neutralization of the Black Sea. It was also necessary to restore lost influence in the Balkans. Solving these problems required the search for new ways and diplomatic combinations.

New people were needed to solve these problems. When forming the ministry apparatus, Alexander Mikhailovich was guided by the professional training of employees and their political orientation. He reduced the staff of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, strengthened the responsibility of department heads for decisions made, and eliminated the petty supervision of seniors over juniors. The authority of the new minister, his reasonable demands on his subordinates, trusting relationships with the sovereign and the reorganized apparatus allowed Gorchakov to begin implementing a new foreign policy program already in 1856.

To solve it, Gorchakov relied on France as the most realistic ally. He believed that the East for Napoleon III “is only a trifle”; for the French emperor, the territory up to the Rhine is important. In September 1857, an agreement was reached with Napoleon III, who, in exchange for Russian support for his plans, promised to act in favor of Russia in Middle Eastern affairs. Positive result rapprochement with France was the establishment of cooperation in the Balkans. Starting with concerted actions in support of Montenegro, Russia and France jointly spoke out on the issue of unifying the Danube principalities and expanding their autonomy. Gorchakov understood that the unification of the principalities, weakening Turkey, would also deal a blow to the Treaty of Paris, where their isolation was recorded. When Türkiye began to prepare an intervention against the young Romanian principality, Gorchakov warned it about the inadmissibility of such actions. Alexander Mikhailovich repeatedly raised the question of the need to convene an international conference to discuss the situation of Christians, citizens Ottoman Empire. But the proposal of the Russian minister was met with the refusal of England and the passivity of France in this matter.

Events in Poland in 1861 - 1863 led to the rupture of allied relations between Russia and France. As Gorchakov noted, the Polish question concerned not only Russia - “it was a stumbling block for all powers.” In the early 60s, the French emperor began to actively support Polish emigration in France, and even earlier he raised the question of the status of Poland, which caused the obvious displeasure of Alexander II. After the Polish uprising of 1863, the time of concerted action between France and Russia came to an end.

This was the time when Gorchakov was at the top of his career. Carrying out the duties of a minister, in 1862 he became vice-chancellor and was a member of the highest government agencies Russia. Now he again had to look for a new ally in Russian foreign policy issues. Prussia becomes such an ally. Bismarck, who had long wanted to unite Germany with “iron and blood,” was the first to take steps to bring the two countries closer together. He needed Russian support.

At the beginning of 1863, a secret Russian-Prussian convention on mutual assistance was signed in St. Petersburg “to restore order and tranquility, granting both Russian and Prussian troops the right to cross the state border in cases where this would be necessary to pursue the rebels.” . Gorchakov, as well as War Minister Milyutin, caused a negative reaction to this convention. They considered it “unnecessary and dangerous.” And they were not mistaken. Having learned about it, France, England and Austria protested its conclusion and began to insist on the restoration of the Constitution of 1815 in Poland. In an effort to soften the conflict, Gorchakov reminded representatives of these countries about the unity of interests in the fight against revolutions, but at the same time stated that the Polish issue is an internal matter of Russia. Russian ambassadors abroad were ordered to stop all negotiations on Polish affairs.

The uprising in Poland was suppressed, and the differences between Russia and England, Austria and France, revealed in recent years, were successfully used by Bismarck to get closer to Russia. As a result of Gorchakov's policy, Russia remained neutral in Prussia's war with Denmark (1864), Austria (1866) and France (1870-1871). The defeat of France made it possible for Gorchakov, who became chancellor in 1867, to announce Russia’s rejection of Article 2 of the Paris Treaty on the neutralization of the Black Sea and to achieve recognition of this by the powers at an international conference in London in 1871. Note that the elimination of Article 2 cost Gorchakov a lot of effort. The Russian statement said the 1856 Treaty of Paris had been repeatedly violated by the powers that signed it. This treaty puts Russia in an unfair and dangerous position, since Türkiye, England and France have military squadrons in the Mediterranean. With Turkey's consent, the appearance of foreign ships in wartime in the Black Sea “could constitute an encroachment against the complete neutrality assigned to these waters” and made the Black Sea coast open to attack. Therefore, Russia “can no longer consider itself bound” to the provisions of Article 2 of the treaty, which poses a threat to its security, but undertakes to comply with the remaining articles. Such a statement was like a bomb explosion, but Gorchakov Allcalculated. In the current situation, England and Austria-Hungary limited themselves to only verbal protests, France was busy with its own affairs, and Bismarck, although he was very irritated by Russia's statement, had to fulfill his promises in its support. Russia received unexpected support from the United States, which said it had never recognized Russian restrictions on the Black Sea.

Now Russia could have a fleet on the Black Sea and build naval bases on the coast. The repeal of the humiliating articles of the Treaty of Paris was a major success of Russian diplomacy, and this success public opinion rightly attributed to Alexander Mikhailovich Gorchakov. He himself considered the solution of this important task to be the main task of his foreign policy activities. In March 1871, he was granted the title of Serene Highness, beginning to be called (with descendants) His Serene Highness.
Gorchakov played a key role in the creation of the “Union of Three Emperors” (1873), trying to use it to prepare future war with Turkey.
Russo-Turkish War 1877-1878 was fought under the banner of the liberation of the Balkan peoples from Turkish rule. With its successful completion, Russia hoped to assert its influence in the Balkans. During the war, Gorchakov directed great efforts to ensure the neutrality of European states. In March 1878, a peace treaty was signed with Turkey in San Stefano, according to which Southern Bessarabia, seized by the Treaty of Paris of 1856, was returned to Russia. The success of the Russian army and the peace treaty beneficial for Russiaat the Berlin Congresswere reduced to zero. Russia was represented at the congress by Gorchakov, and as he wrote to Alexander II: “The Berlin treatise is the blackest page in my career" Due to the opposition of England and Austria-Hungary, Russia lost the fruits of victory. At the congress there was a break between Gorchakov and Bismarck.

For three more years after the Berlin Congress, Gorchakov headed the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. He continued to make efforts to maintain stability in the country and the "balance of power" in Europe. But the years took their toll, and in 1880 hegoes abroad for treatment, retaining his post as minister.

Which of us needs the Lyceum Day in our old age?
Will you have to celebrate alone?

Unhappy friend! among new generations
The annoying guest is both superfluous and alien,
He will remember us and the days of connections,
Closing my eyes with a trembling hand...
Let it be with sad joy
Then he will spend this day at the cup,
Like now I, your disgraced recluse,
He spent it without grief and worries.

A. S. Pushkin

In 1880, Gorchakov could not come to the celebrations on the occasion of the opening of the monument to Pushkin, but gave interviews to correspondents and Pushkin scholars. Soon after Pushkin's celebrations, Komovsky died, and Gorchakov remained the last lyceum student. These lines of Pushkin turned out to be said about him...

The political career of Prince Gorchakov ended with the Berlin Congress m; From then on, he took almost no part in affairs, although he retained the honorary title of State Chancellor. He ceased to be a minister even nominally in March 1882, when N.K. Girs was appointed in his place.

Already without his participation, in 1881 negotiations took place in Berlin on the conclusion of a Russian-German-Austrian alliance. In March 1882, Gorchakov resigned from the post of Minister of Foreign Affairs, retaining the rank of state magistrate.chancellor and the position of member of the State Council. Having retired from active political life, he often spent time with friends, read a lot, and dictated memoirs about his life and diplomatic activities.Until the lastdaysHesavedwonderful memory.

history.vn.ua ›book/100aristokratov/79.html

Gorchakov in literature:

Pikul V. S. Battle iron chancellors. M., 1977.

Boris Akunin: Azazel, Turkish Gambit under the slightly modified name "Korchakov".

Alexander Mikhailovich Gorchakov was born in 1798 and came from a noble family, dating back to the Rurikovichs, but not rich. He graduated from the Tsarskoye Selo Lyceum, was a friend of Pushkin, and earned the most brilliant reviews from his teachers: “One of those few students who combine all abilities to the highest degree...

Particularly noticeable in him is his quick understanding, which, combined with excessive competition and some kind of noble-strong ambition, reveals the quickness of reason in him and some traits of genius... as well as nobility and good manners, zeal for his own benefit and honor, and constant politeness , zeal for everyone, friendliness, sensitivity with generosity." He was exceptionally handsome and witty.
"A pet of fashion, a friend of the world, a brilliant observer of customs..."
A. S. Pushkin
Until his late old age, Gorchakov was distinguished by those qualities that were considered most necessary for a diplomat. He also had a significant literary education, which was reflected in his eloquent diplomatic speeches.
Gorchakov graduated from the Lyceum with a small gold medal and entered the service of the Collegium of Foreign Affairs with the rank of its titular veterinary officer. While still a student, he chose diplomacy as his future profession and remained associated with it all his life. His idol was I. A. Kapodistrias. Gorchakov said about him: “Capodistrias’ straightforward character is not capable of court intrigue; I would like to serve under his command.” IN future fate gave him this opportunity. Circumstances early allowed Alexander Mikhailovich to study the behind-the-scenes springs of international politics in Europe. In 1820 - 1822 He was precisely the member under Kapodistrias and Nesselrod (two antipodes in Russian diplomacy) at the congresses of the Holy Alliance in Tropau, Laibach and Verona. As a press attaché, he carried out diplomatic assignments for Alexander I. The Emperor was very favorable to him and “always noted him as one of the best pupils of his lyceum.”

Gorchakov’s career developed very successfully during these years. In 1822 he became the first secretary of the embassy in London, where he remained for five years. Then he was in the same position in Rome, in 1828 he was transferred as an embassy adviser to Berlin, from there to Florence as charge d'affaires, in 1833 he was in Vienna. Largest cities Europe, the capitals of powerful states, complex diplomatic assignments - all this was a good school for a person who decided to devote his life to foreign policy. But Gorchakov’s relationship with the influential Nesselrode did not work out. He resigned and was out of work for some time. In 1841, Alexander Mikhailovich returned to service and was sent to Stuttgart to arrange a marriage Grand Duchess Olga Nikolaevna with the Crown Prince of Württemberg. There he remained in the rank of envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary for twelve years, maintaining the authority of Russia as the patroness of the German countries and closely monitoring the growth of the revolutionary movement in Europe. The revolutions that swept across the continent in 1848 - 1849. Gorchakov was extremely alarmed. In his reports on rallies and demonstrations in Europe, he persistently advised the emperor to protect Russia from explosions and upheavals such as those he observed here.
In 1850, Gorchakov became envoy extraordinary to the German Union with its capital in Frankfurt am Main. In this alliance, the Russian government saw the guarantee of maintaining peace, and Gorchakov was called upon to restrain the efforts of Austria and Prussia, two rival powers, and act as the unifiers of Germany. At the same time, Alexander Mikhailovich became close friends with the Prussian representative Bismarck. Gorchakov did not hide the fact that he was a zealous admirer of this great man. Before his eyes, with the benevolent non-interference of Russia, Bismarck achieved amazing achievements: he defeated first Denmark, then Austria, one by one, then crushed France and created a powerful German Empire.
The same goal - only to create great Russia- the activities of Alexander Mikhailovich Gorchakov were also dedicated. That is why he always rejected all revolutions aimed primarily at destruction rather than creation. Back in 1825, when he came to Russia for treatment, they tried to drag him into secret society Decembrists. The well-meaning Gorchakov answered his friends at the Lyceum that just goals are never achieved by insidious and secret machinations and that it is not appropriate for a pupil of the Lyceum, founded by Emperor Alexander Pavlovich, to go against the royal person.
“Gorchakov had a mind, sublime, large, subtle, and his ability to use diplomatic tricks did not exclude loyalty. He loved to play with his opponent, confuse him, take him by surprise, but he never allowed himself to treat him rudely or deceive him. he had to resort to tricks, since his plan was always clear and devoid of mysteries. With very few diplomats it was so easy and reliable.”
Emile Olivier, French politician, activist

The next year, Gorchakov was transferred to manage the embassy in Vienna instead of Baron Meyendorff, who carried out more instructions from the Austrian emperor than from the Russian one.
At this time the Crimean War began. Austria behaved extremely ungratefully towards Russia, and Gorchakov had to solve difficult diplomatic problems. He always opposed the war with Turkey, but now England and France took its side. Austria also helped the powers of the anti-Russian bloc, although it maintained apparent neutrality. But Gorchakov managed in his post to alienate Austria from the warring Western European powers. He took the same steps in relation to Prussia. And then came the death of Emperor Nicholas I.

From 1854 to 1855, an international conference of the warring powers was held in Vienna, which Austria also joined. Prince Gorchakov represented Russia, trying with all his might to soften the harsh demands of his former allies, and now opponents in the Crimean War. Diplomats worked out peace terms that would be signed at the Paris Congress. To all claims insulting Russia, Prince Gorchakov replied: “First take Sevastopol.” But the besieged city fell, and a few weeks later Kare was taken by Russian troops, which made it possible to satisfy pride and soften the terms of the negotiations. In addition, Gorchakov entered into a secret agreement with the Count of Morny, a confidant of Napoleon III, which in the future made the position of Russian representatives at the Paris Congress easier. On March 18, 1856, peace was signed.
The Treaty of Paris ended the era of Russia's active participation in Western European political affairs. The painful impressions of the Crimean War and the Vienna conferences left their mark on all subsequent activities of Gorchakov as the main conductor of Russian foreign policy. On April 15, 1856, he was appointed Minister of Foreign Affairs in place of Nesselrode. This was recognition of his diplomatic merits, intelligence, and many years of experience. Under the new minister, there was a sharp turn, a change in foreign policy. From now on, all attention began to be paid to internal affairs, the government decided to extend its activities beyond the borders of the empire only when “the positive benefits of Russia certainly require it.” A hidden reminder of the sovereign power of the state sounded famous words Gorchakova: “Russia is concentrating...” European politicians soon understood what this meant.
“They say Russia is angry. No, Russia is not angry, but is concentrating... She is mentally concentrating not out of a sense of hurt pride, but with an awareness of strength and her true interests. However, she does not refuse to care about her dignity, nor from rank, belonging to her among the great powers of Europe."
Chancellor A. M. Gorchakov.

Gorchakov set himself three practical goals: first, to maintain great restraint in the first years, while internal transformations were taking place in the country (the abolition of serfdom was approaching); secondly, to repay Austria for its treacherous behavior in 1854 - 1856; and thirdly, to achieve the gradual destruction of the Treaty of Paris. The policy of abstinence that it was decided to follow did not at all exclude Russian diplomacy from exploring the possibilities of new alliances, without, however, accepting any obligations towards anyone, based only on its own national interests.

During these years, Gorchakov was the first to use the expression “Sovereign and Russia” in his dispatches, instead of the usual “emperor.” Count Nesselrode, who managed the diplomatic department in the state for forty years, reproached him for this: “We know only one king, we don’t care about Russia.” Undoubtedly, Alexander II made the right and very successful choice, appointing Gorchakov, a patriot, diplomat with the bearing of a Russian nobleman of bygone times, and also liberal-minded, as his minister. He completely trusted him in carrying out a new foreign policy course, since he himself was sometimes in public speaking made unfortunate mistakes. Alexander II sometimes showed the capricious traits of his grandfather. Once, in the papers given to him by Gorchakov, he did not like the word “progress” - perhaps it was unfamiliar to him. Emphasizing this word, he wrote: “What progress! I ask you not to use this word in official papers.”
Gorchakov was also appreciated by foreign diplomats and politicians. Sardinia's attorney in St. Petersburg said this about him: “The prince is one of the most outstanding statesmen, he is a purely Russian and liberal minister - of course, to the extent that this is possible in his country... He is a very smart and pleasant person, but very hot-tempered." The French politician Emile Olivier made a different assessment: “Always ready for confrontations, congresses where they speak or write, he was less ready for a fast, daring, risky action that could lead to a fight. The courageous risk of heroic enterprises frightened him, and although he got enough dignity, the first movement was to evade them, hiding behind condescension, and, if necessary, timidity.”
Alexander Mikhailovich significantly updated the composition of his ministry, replacing the numerous foreigners whom Nesselrode brought with him with Russian diplomats. He wanted to revive the historical traditions of his country, following Peter's foreign policy plans. One of Gorchakov's goals was fulfilled very soon, in 1859, when Russia sided with France in its conflict with Austria. For their treacherous behavior, the Austrians were punished at the hands of the French. Achieving other goals had to wait for many years...

Relations with Poland, which was part of the Russian Empire, were difficult. In 1861, an uprising broke out there. The Western powers approached St. Petersburg with a proposal to convene a conference on this issue. Gorchakov firmly stated that this was an internal matter of Russia. He ordered all Russian ambassadors abroad to stop negotiations with European states on the Polish issue. Since that time, further disagreements with France have emerged, but there has been a rapprochement with Prussia, which supported Russia. In 1862, Bismarck, Gorchakov’s Prussian colleague, became the head of the government there, and since then the policies of both states have followed a parallel course. In 1864, the Polish uprising was suppressed, and Prussia and Russia concluded a military convention.
While complex diplomatic games were being played in Europe, Gorchakov's attention turned to North America- to the problem of Russian colonies in Alaska, the Aleutian Islands and west coast, which were mastered by domestic sailors back in the 18th century. In 1866, a meeting of the highest royal dignitaries took place, at which Gorchakov was present. The initiator of the sale of Alaska was Grand Duke Konstantin Nikolaevich. The Russian government knew about the presence of gold placers in Alaska, but this was precisely the main danger. Gorchakov said: “After an army of people armed with shovels, an army of soldiers armed with guns may come.” Russia did not have Far East neither a significant army nor a strong navy, and given the difficult financial situation of the country, it was simply impossible to preserve the American colonies. The agreement on the sale of Alaska for 1 million 200 thousand dollars was signed in Washington and St. Petersburg.
Meanwhile, war was brewing in Europe - between France and Prussia. Gorchakov tried to extract maximum benefit from it for Russia. First of all, this concerned the conditions of the Paris Treaty of 1856 - those articles where the empire was prohibited from keeping a fleet in the Black Sea. In 1868, agreements that had the force of a treaty were concluded between Gorchakov and the Prussian envoy General Manteuffel. Russia pledged to maintain neutrality during the unification of Germany, Prussia - to support Russia's demands for the abolition of the humiliating articles of the Treaty of Paris. The Franco-Prussian War began in 1870, Bismarck's successes were obvious. At this time, without waiting for the end of the war, Gorchakov invited Alexander II to make fair demands on Russia. In his opinion, the most opportune moment had come. And he was right. He noted: “While the war lasted, we could count with greater confidence on the good will of Prussia and on the restraint of the powers that signed the treaty of 1856. Everything was calculated correctly: France was defeated, Prussia promised support, Austria would not risk opposing Russia out of fear to be attacked by the same Bismarck."
Through his ambassadors abroad, Gorchakov conveyed a circular dispatch to the governments of all states. It stated that Russia could no longer consider itself bound by that part of the Paris Treaty that limited its rights in the Black Sea. This circular had the effect of a bomb exploding in Europe. However, nothing could be done.
England and Austria limited themselves to only verbal protests, and France had no time for that at all. It was important for her to survive herself. In 1871, a conference of European powers met in London, at which the fair demands of Russia were consolidated. Gorchakov experienced genuine triumph in those days. Another of his foreign policy goals was achieved. Subsequently, he considered this victory the main success of all his diplomatic activities. As a reward, Alexander II granted him the title of "lordship", which could only be worn by members of the royal family.

In 1873, the tripartite convention of Russia - Germany - Austria was signed. These countries became known as the "Union of Three Emperors". Gorchakov believed that this alliance would help solve the Balkan problem. He called on European powers to support his autonomy plan for Bosnia and Herzegovina. However, the growing conflict in the Balkans could not be resolved peacefully. The Turks launched an attack on Serbia in 1876, sweeping away everything in their path in their advance towards Belgrade. Alexander II gathered his ministers in Livadia and posed the question: what to do with the dying Serbia? Everyone only regretted this, and Prince Gorchakov stood up and said: “Our traditions do not allow us to be indifferent, there are national, internal feelings that are difficult to go against. Your Majesty! Now is not the time for words and regrets, the hour of action has come.” At the same time, he presented the emperor with a prepared telegram, in which the Russian ambassador in Turkey was ordered to announce to the Sultan that he would immediately, within 24 hours, leave Constantinople if the Turks did not immediately stop and clear Serbia. “I agree with your proposal,” replied Alexander II, closing the meeting.
However, Türkiye was ready for war with Russia. Moreover, she strove for her. Gorchakov in January 1877 secured the neutrality of Austria-Hungary (Budapest Convention), and in April of the same year, Alexander II began this war, which was waged under the banner of the liberation of the Balkan peoples from the Turkish yoke. It contributed many glorious pages to the history of Russian weapons and ended in complete success for Russia. Its influence in the Balkans increased. First, the Adrianople Truce was concluded (January 19, 1878), where Gorchakov was extremely firm on the Bulgarian issue. He instructed his representative Ignatiev: “Stand especially firmly in everything that concerns Bulgaria.”
Exactly a month later, the final treaty was signed with Turkey in San Stefano, timed to coincide with the birthday of Alexander II. Bulgaria received broad autonomy with the inclusion of Macedonia; Serbia, Romania, Montenegro were recognized as independent; Southern Bessarabia was returned to Russia.
The results of this war and the Treaty of San Stefano aroused hostile objections not only from England, but also from Austria. Gorchakov proposed organizing a congress on this matter in Berlin, counting on Bismarck. The Congress took place in July of the same year, but Bismarck unexpectedly took a neutral position. Gorchakov later said that there was “the evil will of almost all of Europe” against Russia. But he himself made an incidental mistake on this forum. By this time, Alexander Mikhailovich was already eighty years old. Obviously, due to his advanced age, Gorchakov absent-mindedly handed over to the English delegate Lord Beaconsfield geographical map for the Russian delegation. It marked the maximum concessions that Russia could make as a last resort. Beaconsfield, of course, took advantage of the opportunity and based the discussion on this particular map. Bismarck in his notes cruelly made fun of Gorchakov, claiming that it was he who defended the honor of Russia at that time. But Gorchakov himself later admitted to Alexander II: “The Berlin Treaty is the darkest page in my career.”
After the Berlin Congress, Alexander Mikhailovich practically retired, although formally he was considered the state chancellor of Russia for another three years. He was replaced as Minister of Foreign Affairs by Baron N. K. Gire, a mid-level diplomat, many times inferior to such a titan of foreign policy as Prince Gorchakov. Alexander Mikhailovich died in 1883 in Baden-Baden and was buried in the family crypt in St. Petersburg. In the history of Russian diplomacy, he was and remains one of the brightest and greatest figures.

“A pet of fashion, a friend of the world, a brilliant observer of customs...”

A. S. Pushkin

On June 4 (15), 1798, in Gapsala, Estonia province (now Haapsalu, Estonia), the future Russian diplomat and statesman, His Serene Highness Prince, Chancellor, member of the State Council and the Cabinet of Ministers, academician of the Imperial Academy of Sciences was born into the family of Major General Mikhail Alekseevich Gorchakov. , holder of the highest Russian and foreign orders Alexander Mikhailovich Gorchakov.

Alexander Mikhailovich received a home education, then studied at the St. Petersburg Provincial Gymnasium, and in 1811 he passed the entrance exams and entered the Tsarskoye Selo Lyceum, where he studied in the same class with A. S. Pushkin, A. A. Delvig, V. K. Kuchelbecker , I. I. Pushchin.

At the age of 19, Gorchakov began his diplomatic career in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs with the rank of titular adviser. In 1820-1822. participated in the congresses of the Holy Alliance in Tropau, Laibach and Verona, in 1824 he was appointed first secretary at the Russian embassy in London, in 1827 in Rome, then served in embassies in Berlin, Florence, Vienna. In 1841 he was appointed envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary at the Württemberg court, in 1850-1854. At the same time he was envoy extraordinary to the German Confederation, and in 1854 he was sent as ambassador to Vienna.

Alexander Mikhailovich was brilliant educated person, with a flexible, insightful and far-sighted mind. An inspired speaker and a subtle stylist, a master of “filigree rhetoric” (in the words of A. I. Herzen), Gorchakov was distinguished by refinement of manners, secular artistry, was extremely effective in his manners and perfectly mastered all the secrets of diplomatic art.

In April 1856, Gorchakov headed the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Alexander Mikhailovich held the post of minister continuously for more than 25 years and was awarded the highest honors, including the title of His Serene Highness Prince and the rank of State Chancellor of the Russian Empire.

Many outstanding victories of Russian diplomacy are associated with the name of Gorchakov. In 1856-1863 Alexander Mikhailovich sought to remove the restrictions imposed on Russia by the Paris Peace Treaty of 1856 through rapprochement with France. However, after Napoleon III’s attempt to use the Polish uprising of 1863 to the detriment of Russia’s interests, he turned his foreign policy towards rapprochement with Prussia, observing neutrality during its wars with Denmark in 1864, Austria in 1866, France in 1870-1871. Prussia's defeat of France allowed the prince to announce Russia's renunciation of the article of the Treaty of Paris of 1856, which limited its sovereignty in the Black Sea, and to achieve recognition of this by other states at an international conference in 1871 in London. Gorchakov played a key role in the creation of the “Union of Three Emperors” in 1873. In 1875, he averted the threat of a pan-European war.

Gorchakov's last large-scale diplomatic action was the Berlin Congress of European States in 1878, which decided the fate of Turkish possessions in the Balkans. In conditions when all of Europe was frightened by the successes of Russian weapons and feared Russian hegemony in the Balkans, Gorchakov managed not only to prevent a repetition of the Crimean War and the creation of a new anti-Russian coalition, but also to defend Russia’s national interests.

Since 1879, due to a serious illness, Alexander Mikhailovich actually retired from managing the ministry, and in 1882 he finally retired.

On February 27 (March 11), 1883, the outstanding Russian statesman Alexander Mikhailovich Gorchakov died in Baden-Baden and was buried in the Trinity-Sergius Hermitage near St. Petersburg.

Lit.: Andreev A. R. The last chancellor of the Russian Empire, Alexander Mikhailovich Gorchakov. M., 1999; Volkova O. Yu. Minister of Foreign Affairs Alexander Mikhailovich Gorchakov (1856–1882). // International life. 2002. No. 2;Ignatiev A. V. A. M. Gorchakov - Minister of Foreign Affairs (1856–1882) // Domestic history. 2000. No. 2; Chancellor A. M. Gorchakov: 200 years since his birth. M., 1998; Lopatnikov V. A. Pedestal: The time and service of Chancellor Gorchakov. M., 2004; Hevrolina V. M. Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Russia in 1856-1878. // New and recent history. 2002. № 4 .