Populism- the movement of the Russian intelligentsia to “get closer” to the people in search of their roots, their place in the world. The populism movement is associated with the intelligentsia’s feeling of losing their connection with folk wisdom and folk truth.

Populist ideology was a peculiar combination of socialist ideas with Slavophile ideas about the original path of development of Russia. The founders of populism were A.I. Herzen and N.G. Chernyshevsky, who in the 1850s. developed its main theoretical principles. Herzen and Chernyshevsky sharply criticized the existing serfdom and autocratic system; they were radical democrats, but sought to avoid violence. However, many adherents of the classics of populism interpreted their theory as a call for a people's revolution R.A. Arslanov, V.V. Kerov, Moseikina. "Land and Freedom" (1861-1864) was the first large organization of populists, numbering several hundred members. Its leaders were A.A. Sleptsov, N.A. Serno-Solovyevich, N.N. Obruchev, V.S. Kurochkin, N.I. Utin. The main goal of the organization was considered to be the creation of conditions for the revolution, which was expected in 1863, when the signing of charter documents was to be completed; for this purpose, legal and illegal propaganda was used, and proclamations were issued. The St. Petersburg circle maintained close ties with the editorial office of Kolokol. In 1864, during the period of repression associated with the suppression of the Polish uprising, and as a result of the absence of the much-anticipated peasant uprisings, the organization dissolved itself. "Ishutintsy". In 1863-1866, a revolutionary organization headed by N.A. operated. Ishutin (“Ishutintsy”). In 1866, a member of the organization D.V. Karakozov made an unsuccessful attempt on the life of Alexander II.

"People's Retribution" was created in the late 60s. revolutionary fanatic S.G. Nechaev. Nechaev denied any ethics, believing that the end justifies the means. For the sake of the interests of the revolutionary cause, he even went to the extent of organizing a criminal crime.

"Land and Freedom" (1876-1879). The organization was led by M.A. Nathanson, A.D. Mikhailov, G.V. Plekhanov, L.A. Tikhomirov. In an effort to rouse the people to revolution, they considered it necessary: ​​1. agitation in word and deed; 2.actions to disorganize the state (i.e. recruiting officers and officials into its ranks, killing the most “harmful” government officials).

The People's Will party (1879-1882) was headed by the Executive Committee, which included A.I. Zhelyabov, A.D. Mikhailov, S.L. Perovskaya, V.N. Figner, N.A. Morozov and others.

The Narodnaya Volya set their goals: 1. revolutionary seizure of power; 2.convening the Constituent Assembly; 3. approval of political freedoms; 4.building, in the future, communal socialism. 5. The main means was recognized as a political revolution with the help of the army and with the support of the people.

"Black redistribution" (1879-1882). Its leaders are G.V. Plekhanov, P.B. Axelrod, L.G. Deitch, V.I. Zasulich considered the goal of his activities to be the preparation of a peasant revolution - a revolt with the help of propaganda in the countryside.

In 1883, having become disillusioned with populism and finding themselves in exile, the Black Peredelites, led by Plekhanov, switched to the position of Marxism and created the Liberation of Labor group in Geneva, the first Russian social democratic organization.

Directions:

1. Revolutionary - The main theoretical directions of revolutionary populism. In populism, various trends emerged and developed that had a common goal of struggle - socialism, and recognized the need for revolution to achieve this goal. Each of them had its own ideological characteristics. The leading theoretician of the propaganda direction of revolutionary populism was P.L. Lavrov. His views contained the following ideas: 1. the intelligentsia was able to develop mentally, because they were freed from physical labor, which was performed by the downtrodden and uneducated people. The intelligentsia must return this debt to the people; 2. the people, the peasantry, are not ready for a social revolution. Therefore, the main task of the intelligentsia is long-term propaganda of the idea of ​​socialism among the people, because without it, the actions of the masses will take extremely violent, rebellious forms and can only lead to changes in the forms of ownership and power, and not to the establishment of humane socialist relations; 3. introducing socialist consciousness into the masses should ensure the socialist nature of the coming revolution, minimizing its inevitable violent forms; 4. for the propaganda and organization of popular forces, it is necessary to create a party that unites in its ranks the intelligentsia and the most developed representatives of the people, which continues to lead the construction of socialism after the revolution; 5. after the victory of the people, it is necessary to preserve the “state element”, the role of which will decrease as socialist relations are established; 6. Socialist society can develop only by ensuring individual freedom and the synthesis of its interests with the interests of the collective.

2. Liberal (reformist) - The ideologists of reformist populism belonged to the ideological heirs of the great teachers of the Russian intelligentsia. Theoretically, they understood perfectly well that true social progress “occurs only where the social cause is driven not by just the intelligentsia, but by the whole people.”

Theorists of liberal populism: 1. condemning capitalism, tried to justify the advantage of small-scale production based on communal or artel principles; 2. argued for the possibility of a peaceful transition to socialism as a result of reforms carried out by the government. They believed that Marxism was not applicable in peasant Russia, and attempts to establish it would lead to the establishment of a dictatorship of a minority over the majority of the population; 3. considered the ideal of social order to be a harmonious combination of individual freedom and community solidarity, which, in their opinion, provides the necessary conditions for the comprehensive development of man.

As a result, they opposed both reaction and revolution and condemned violent methods of change. During the years of “counter-reforms,” the liberal-populist theory and practice of “small deeds” became widespread, calling on the intelligentsia, first of all, to honestly fulfill their professional duties for the benefit of the people.

3. Legal - Populist theorists have been talking about the fact that the democratic intelligentsia can and should play a special and, undoubtedly, progressive role in Russian history, similar to that which fell to the lot of the young bourgeoisie in medieval Western Europe. gg.

The main obstacle that populism actually stumbled over was the separation of the intelligentsia from the people, which prevented the spread of its educational ideas to the masses. Already after the famous “going to the people” in 1874-1875. It became obvious to many populists that the people’s concepts of social life were radically opposed to the corresponding views of the intelligentsia. The masses are accustomed to blindly following tradition and believing only in their own authorities (the world, the king, God), while the intelligentsia has developed its own worldview with a critical attitude towards traditions, relying on the truths obtained by science. It was almost impossible to overcome this internal alienation, supported by the authorities with the help of “police slingshots”.

ideology and movement of the various intelligentsia to the bourgeois-democratic. stage will be released. struggle in Russia (1861-95). “Populism,” wrote V.I. Lenin, “is the ideology (system of views) of peasant democracy in Russia” (Works, vol. 18, p. 490). N. combined the ideas of utopianism. socialism with the demand of the peasantry, interested in the destruction of the landowners' latifundia. He spoke out both against serfdom and against the bourgeoisie. development of society. From the moment of its inception, two currents emerged in Nizhny Novgorod - revolutionary and liberal. Revolutionaries Ch. the goal was seen as a cross in the organization. revolution and during the 60-80s. they strived for it in various ways (the first "Land and Freedom", underground circles of the late 60s - early 70s, "going to the people", a group of "Muscovites", the second "Land and Freedom", "People's Will", “Black redistribution”, etc.). Liberal populists, operating legally, sought peaceful forms of transition to socialism. Liberal N. did not play creatures. roles until the 80s, when it became dominant. direction to N. In Narodnich. The movement was attended by representatives of many. nationalities of Russia. Narodnich. ideology was uniquely refracted in the conditions of Ukraine, the Caucasus, the Baltic states, Poland and other regions. N. was not purely Russian. phenomenon. A similar form of ideology was also characteristic of other countries that took the capitalist path late. development. The ideology of revolutionary N. Narodism represents a special type of utopianism. socialism, characteristic of countries with a predominance of agriculture. production and cross. population, with weak industrial development. By the time of the birth of N. in the advanced countries of Europe, capitalism had already reached the stage of development when radical socio-political policies were revealed. bourgeois contradictions society. Bourgeois-democratic revolutions in these countries, which did not improve the situation of the people. masses, caused disappointment to the advanced Russian. intelligentsia. In this situation, the search began for “special ways” of social reorganization in Russia, allowing for non-capitalist society. development. Belief in immediate possibility. transition - bypassing capitalism - to socialism. I build through the cross. the community, which had a special role, was Ch. content of theory rus. utopian socialism. Its founders were A. I. Herzen and N. G. Chernyshevsky. “Cross socialism” was actively promoted by N.P. Ogarev. Herzen believed that Russia would not repeat all phases of European development. countries It will move to socialism in an “original” way thanks to the villages. community, liberation of peasants with land, cross. self-government, traditional peasants' rights to land. “The man of the future in Russia,” Herzen believed, “is a man, just like a worker in France” (Collected works, vol. 7, 1956, p. 326). Herzen noted and denied some things. sides of the community, but considered them surmountable in the process of establishing socialism. ideas among the people. Herzen's theory of communal socialism was developed by Chernyshevsky. He associated the preservation of Russian. communities with slow development, backwardness of the country, but at the same time allocated a large share to the community. role under the condition of radical social transformations: the overthrow of the autocracy by the people, the gratuitous transfer of all land to the peasants, the combination of communal ownership of land with communal industry. production Thus, the theory is Russian. cross. socialism was an attempt to use the community in order, on the one hand, to rouse the peasantry to revolution, and on the other, to preserve the egalitarian principles that existed in the community until the time of establishment of socialism. principles. Utopian cross. socialism, inextricably linked with revolution. democracy, directed against the autocratic state, was Ch. populist content ideology. History has shown the utopianism of communal socialism, but liberation from the people. illusions could only happen after the establishment of capitalism, which created the preconditions for the development of a new, proletarian ideology in Russia. Assessing the revolutionaries of the 60-70s, V. I. Lenin wrote: “Faith in a special way of life, in the communal system of Russian life; hence the belief in the possibility of a peasant socialist revolution - that’s what animated them, raised tens and hundreds of people for a heroic struggle against the government" (Works, vol. 1, p. 246). Herzen and especially Chernyshevsky had a huge influence on the youth of the various ranks and on subsequent revolutionaries. generations. Their revolutionary. activity is ideologically linked by the cross. democracy with the proletarian party in Russia. 60s were the first stage in the development of revolutionary-democratic ideology, when general theoretical. principles of the cross. socialism were translated into concrete programs. The revolutionaries of the seventies recognized themselves as students of Chernyshevsky and his followers, and continued and strengthened their traditions. And in the 60s and 70s, when Russia was just entering capitalism. formation, and the proletariat began to form into independence. society class and, therefore, there was no basis for the spread and establishment of Marxism, the ideology of the cross. democracy - N. - remained the most advanced theory. Lenin wrote: “...The role of an advanced fighter can only be fulfilled by a party guided by an advanced theory. And in order to at least somewhat concretely imagine what this means, let the reader remember such predecessors of Russian Social Democracy as Herzen, Belinsky, Chernyshevsky and a brilliant galaxy of revolutionaries of the 70s" (ibid., vol. 5, p. 342). In the 70s there was a known decrease in theoretical level of N., which was expressed primarily in a retreat from Chernyshevsky’s materialism to positivism and subjectivism. From the end 60s in the revolutionary movement there was a turn towards “effectiveness”. The question of non-capitalist development from the field of theory moved into revolution. practice. The mixture is democratic. and socialist tasks characteristic of N. in general appears quite clearly. Cross. socialist revolution is proclaimed directly. the goal of the populist. movements. The largest ideologists of N. in the 70s. were M.A. Bakunin, P.L. Lavrov, P.N. Tkachev, N.K. Mikhailovsky. Means. influence on Russian revolutionary Bakunin made the move. Considering Russian peasant a “born” socialist, Bakunin called on young people to immediately prepare people. rebellion against three chapters enemies: private property, state, church. Under him directly. As a result of this influence, a rebellious Bakuninist trend emerged in Nizhny Novgorod. Lavrov considered it necessary to organize an uprising through long-term propaganda among the people. mass and extensive theoretical and moral training of revolutionaries. He called on the intelligentsia to atone for their “debt” to the people and to give strength to the liberation of the working people from autocratic oppression. Speaking from the position of subjective idealism, Lavrov at the same time argued that a critically thinking person will not remain alone in criticizing existing societies. building, she will find like-minded people among the oppressed people. The role of the people in the revolution was recognized as decisive. Literary-critical Mikhailovsky's activities in the 70s. contributed to the strengthening of democracy. trends in Russian society thoughts, the struggle against social inequality, prepared the ground for the maturation of revolutionaries. ideas in Russia. Great influence among democrats. The intelligentsia used the book by V.V. Bervi-Flerovsky “The Position of the Working Class in Russia”, in which the difficult situation of the people during the post-reforms was revealed in a large material. Russia. Revolutionary program populists of the 70s was distinguished by her belief not in a conspiracy, but in a broad people. movement to the cross. socialist revolution. Call for socialism (social) revolution was associated with apolitism: the struggle for politics was denied. freedom, an indifferent attitude towards the forms of state was promoted. authorities. During the period of dominance in societies. thoughts of apolitism with a political program. struggle was made by Tkachev, who declared in 1875 that “... the immediate goal of the revolution should be to seize political power, to create a revolutionary state” (Izbr. soch., vol. 3, 1933, p. 225). Political the direction outlined by Tkachev in the 1st half. 70s, did not receive support from the revolution at that time. underground. At the end of the decade the situation changed: democratic. the press (Mikhailovsky and others) started talking about politics. freedoms, the Kazan demonstration of 1876 opened a series of political. acts (speech by revolutionaries at the trials of the “50” and “193”, the attempt by V. I. Zasulich on P. P. Trepov, the armed struggle of I. M. Kovalsky and his comrades, the murder of the chief of gendarmes by S. M. Kravchinsky N.V. Mezentsova and others). In 1878 south. the populists (V.A. Osinsky, brothers Ivichevich, etc.) switched to terrorism. struggle, speaking on behalf of the “Executive Committee of the Russian Social Revolutionary Party.” In liberal circles they started talking about the constitution. In such a situation, Tkachev’s ideas became closer to the revolutionaries. populists, although the latter did not fully share his conspiratorial views. views. At the same time, political the direction that took shape in Narodnaya Volya on the issue of seizing the state. power was at the core. on Tkachev's positions. The Narodnaya Volya, like their predecessors, continued to believe in socialism. features of Russian communities, although they had already seen the stratification of the countryside, the strengthening of world-eating kulaks, the strengthening of the bourgeoisie. But they denied the regularity and organic nature of this process: “...In our country the state is not the creation of the bourgeoisie, as in Europe, but on the contrary, the bourgeoisie is created by the state” (“Literature of the People’s Will Party”, Paris, 1905, p. 79) . The Narodnaya Volya hoped to stop the development of capitalism by seizing power. relations in the country and move through the community to socialism. I'm building. A major merit of the Narodnaya Volya members was their struggle for the conquest of political power. freedoms in Russia: requirements of the constitution, universal suffrage. rights, freedom of speech, press, gatherings, etc. The Narodnaya Volya members considered the immediate goal to be the overthrow of the tsarist autocracy and the establishment of a democratic a republic based on the "will of the people." Lenin considered the “great historical merit” of the Narodnaya Volya members to be their desire to “... attract all the dissatisfied to their organization and direct this organization to a decisive struggle against the autocracy” (Works, vol. 5, pp. 442-43). At the same time, Lenin pointed out that the Narodnaya Volya “...narrowed down politics to only a conspiratorial struggle” (ibid., vol. 4, p. 342), that the experience of the history of revolutionaries. movement in Russia warns against such methods of struggle as terror (see ibid., vol. 6, p. 154). K con. 80s - with the development of capitalism and the growth of the working class in Russia, with the beginning of the spread of Marxism in the country, the unfoundedness of faith in “communism” was finally revealed. instincts" of the peasant, into the cross. socialist revolution, into the success of the single combat of the heroic intelligentsia with the autocracy; the ideology of the revolutionary N. turned out to be untenable. The practical activities of the revolutionary populists. During the years of the first revolutionary situation of 1859-61, illegal circles and populist organizations began to emerge From 1856 to 1862, the Kharkov-Kiev secret society was active, the founders of which were Ya. N. Bekman and M. D. Muravsky. In 1861-62, a circle of P. G. Zaichnevsky and P. E. Argiropulo functioned in Moscow, publishing. illegal publications, which began revolutionary propaganda among the people, calling for the overthrow of the autocracy (the “Young Russia” proclamation). In the conditions of the revolutionary situation, the rise of the mass movement and the struggle of the democratic intelligentsia, a secret society emerged in 1861 Land and Freedom" is the largest revolutionary association of the 60s and the first attempt to create an all-Russian organization. The ideological inspirer of "Land and Freedom" was Chernyshevsky, the foreign center was represented by Herzen and Ogarev, the most active members were brothers. N. A. and A. A. Serno-Solovyevich, A. A. Sleptsov, N. N. Obruchev, S. S. Rymarenko, V. S. Kurochkin and others. Org. the principles of the first “Land and Freedom” formed the basis of the Ishutin organization (1863-66): a secret center and peripheral circles subordinate to it. Unlike "Land and Freedom", the Ishutinites accepted terror as a possible means of struggle. In a democratic environment. The rise of the revolutionary conspirator S.G. Nechaev in 1869 tried to create a secret conspiracy. organization ("People's Retribution"), built on the principles of unlimited. centralism, blind subordination of ordinary members to leaders. Nechaev's adventurism and unprincipledness were resolutely condemned by Marx and Engels, members. Rus. sections of the 1st International, revolutionary. the populists in Russia itself, who created the Chaikovsky society as a counterbalance to the “Nechaevism”, in which the question of the revolutionaries. ethics was one of the central ones. Active figures in the society were M. A. Nathanson, N. V. Tchaikovsky, S. L. Perovskaya, P. A. Kropotkin, F. V. Volkhovsky, N. A. Charushin. The Tchaikovites quickly switched from the revolutionaries. enlightenment to prepare for “going among the people”, hatching plans for the cross. revolution in Russia. 70s were a new stage in the development of revolutionary-democratic. movements: compared to the 60s. The number of participants in the movement, its scope and effectiveness have increased immeasurably. In the spring and summer of 1874, a mass “going to the people” of democrats began. intelligentsia, the first rapprochement of the revolutionaries took place. youth with the people. Theoretical discussions about duty to the people turned into practical. actions aimed at raising the cross. masses to socialist revolution. “Going among the people” was the first test of the revolutionary ideology. populism. Lenin highly appreciated this movement: “The flowering of effective populism was the entry into the people (the peasantry) of the revolutionaries of the 70s” (ibid., vol. 18, p. 490). K con. In 1875, the “going to the people” was crushed by the police, its participants were arrested and convicted in the “trial of the 193s” (1877-78). Among the defendants were major revolutionaries: P. I. Voinaralsky, Volkhovsky, S. F. Kovalik, I. N. Myshkin, D. M. Rogachev and others. “Walking among the people” was revealed by the org. populist weakness movement and determined the need for a single centralized organization of revolutionaries. This task found partial resolution in the activities of the “All-Russian Social Revolutionary Organization” (a group of “Muscovites”), which arose in the end. 1874 - beginning 1875. In mid. 70s the problem of concentration of revolutionaries. forces in a single organization became central. It was discussed at congresses of populists in St. Petersburg, Moscow, in exile, and debated on the pages of the illegal press, among the participants in the “going to the people” brought in through the “trial of the 193s.” The revolutionaries had to choose a centralist or federal principle of organization, determine their attitude towards socialism. parties in other countries. As a result of the well-known revision of program tactics. and organizational views, in 1876 a new populist arose in St. Petersburg. organization, which received the name in 1878. "Land and Freedom". Its founders and active participants were: M. A. and O. A. Natanson, A. D. Mikhailov, A. D. Oboleshev, G. V. Plekhanov, O. V. Aptekman, A. A. Kvyatkovsky, D. A. Lizogub, Osinsky and others. The great merit of the Land Volunteers was the creation of a strong and disciplined organization, which Lenin called “excellent” and a “model” for revolutionaries (see ibid., vol. 5, p. 442). The Zemlyavoltsy had their own organs: “Earth and Freedom” (1878-79), “Leaf of Earth and Freedom” (1879). In practice The work “Land and Freedom” moved from “wandering” propaganda, characteristic of the 1st stage of “going to the people,” to settled rural settlements. However, the hopes of the landowners to rouse the peasantry to revolution did not materialize. Disappointment in the results of propaganda, strengthening of governments. repression, on the one hand, of societies. excitement in a situation where a second revolution is brewing. the situation in the country, on the other hand, contributed to the aggravation of disagreements within the organization. The majority of landowners were convinced of the need to move directly. political fight against autocracy. One of the main revolutionary funds the struggle gradually becomes terror. At first these were acts of self-defense and revenge for the atrocities of the tsarist administration. However, gradually the successes of terrorism. struggles, which caused confusion at the top, gave rise to the illusion among the populists of the special effectiveness of this method. In Aug. 1879 as a result of the conflict between “politicians” (A.I. Zhelyabov, A.D. Mikhailov, Kvyatkovsky, etc.) with “villagers” (Plekhanov, M.R. Popov, Aptekman, etc.), a split in “Land and Freedom” occurred . Two independent states were formed. org-tions - "People's Will" and "Black Redistribution" (Plekhanov, P. B. Axelrod, Aptekman, L. G. Deich, Zasulich, E. N. Kovalskaya, M. R. Popov, etc.), which existed until con. 1880. "People's Will" further strengthened the principles of centralization and secrecy developed by "Land and Freedom". In Exec. The Narodnaya Volya committee included outstanding revolutionaries Zhelyabov, A.D. Mikhailov, Perovskaya, V.N. Figner, N.I. Kibalchich and others. The organs of the Narodnaya Volya members were Narodnaya Volya (1879-85, with interruptions ), "Bulletin of the People's Will" (1883-86), "Leaflet of the People's Will" (1880-86). Heroic The struggle of "People's Will" played a role. role in Russian revolutionary movement. Its merit was a direct offensive, an assault on tsarism. The transition of the Narodnaya Volya to politics. the fight was a step forward compared to the previous stage. The activities of "People's Will" became one of the most important elements of the revolution. situations 1879-80. However, the political tactics are erroneous. conspiracy, predominance of terrorist. methods of combating other forms could not lead to people. revolution and inevitably had to end in the collapse of Narodny Volya. After the assassination of Alexander II by the revolutionaries and the trial of the First Marchers, failures, betrayals, and arrests began, which bled the People's Will dry. Court series. processes of the 80s. (“process of 20”, “process of 17”, “process of 14”, etc.) completed the destruction of the organization. In mid. 80s in the revolutionary underground, there was a tendency towards decentralization (Young Party of the People's Will), towards strengthening work in the provinces. In 1885, a congress of the south met in Yekaterinoslav. Narodnaya Volya (B.D. Orzhikh, V.G. Bogoraz, F.I. Yasevich, V.P. Brazhnikov, etc.), who examined the state of the revolutionaries. forces in southern Russia and drew attention to the need to expand the struggle for politics. freedom and widespread propaganda among the masses. At the end of Dec. 1886 in St. Petersburg A. I. Ulyanov, P. Ya. Shevyrev, O. M. Govorukhin, E. Lukashevich created a terrorist organization. faction of the People's Will party, the program cut, along with the approval of terrorist. struggle with the government and local authorities, reflected the influence of Marxism (recognition of capitalism in Russia as a fact, and the working class as the core of socialist. party"), In 1888 S. M. Ginsburg, implementing the decision of the "Union Terrorist. circle", organized in exile, came to Russia with the aim of collecting the scattered remnants of "Nar. freedom" and prepare an assassination attempt on Alexander III. In 1889, she was arrested, sentenced to death and died in the Shlisselburg fortress. People's Volunteers and organizations ideologically close to them continued to operate in the 90s. In 1889-90 in Kostroma , Vladimir and Yaroslavl there was a revolutionary organization led by M. V. Sabunaev. In 1891-94, the “People’s Volunteer Group” worked in St. Petersburg under the leadership of M. S. Alexandrov (Olminsky). party (M. A. Nathanson, P. Nikolaev, N. Tyutchev, etc.). As Marxism spread in Russia, the populist organizations lost their significance in the changed conditions of the struggle. a generation that overcame the mistakes and illusions of N. Some populists, as the proletarian ideology was established, switched to the positions of Marxism, and later became members of the Social-Democratic Party and the labor movement of the revolutionary populists. . Russian fight. proletariat, in which a class has not yet developed. self-awareness. Lenin pointed out that in the 60-70s. “...in the general stream of populism, the proletarian-democratic stream could not stand out” (Works, vol. 20, p. 224). The beginning of democratic propaganda. intelligentsia among workers is associated with the organization of Sunday schools (early 60s). In mid. 60s Ishuta residents continued this tradition, getting closer to the workers in the process of creating products. associations. The most active propaganda of the populists among the mountains. proletariat was carried out from the beginning. 70s The Chaikovites in St. Petersburg, Odessa and Kyiv created a network of workers' circles, where they initially conducted general education. classes, and then moved on to social propaganda, calling on workers to revolt and overthrow the autocracy. The charter of the “All-Russian Social Revolutionary Organization” stated that “the management should always include members from both the intelligentsia and the workers.” Joint actions of the revolutionaries. intelligentsia and workers led to widespread propaganda of the latter (workers P. Alekseev, S. Agapov, I. Barinov, N. Vasiliev, P. Nikolaev, etc.) in factories and factories in Moscow, Ivanovo-Voznesensk and Tula. The second "Land and Freedom" organized workers' circles and issued proclamations during strikes in St. Petersburg. workers. “The joint struggle of workers with the owners,” it is written in the advanced DZemlya i VoliU (1879, No. 4), “develops in them the ability for consonant, unanimous action. Workers of different provinces, sometimes of different dialects, who in quiet times were alienated from each other, rally and unite during a strike." In the conditions of the democratic rise of the late 70s - early 80s, the Narodnaya Volya and Black Peredelites carried out propaganda among the urban proletariat, organized circles, involving the most advanced workers in the revolutionary struggle. For the workers and peasants, the Black Peredelites released the gas "Grain" (1880-81), the People's Volunteers published the "Workers' Newspaper" (1880-81). Russia began to noticeably show their activity, the revolutionaries, continuing to believe in the success of the terrorist struggle, at the same time significantly increased propaganda among the workers, creating fighting squads from the workers. The common intelligentsia saw in the workers only the most active layer of the oppressed people, and not a class - the hegemon of the revolution. Despite a number of ideological differences, the revolutionary populists and advanced workers acted as allies in the struggle against the autocracy, factory owners and landowners. The revolutionaries introduced advanced workers to the ideas of socialism and supported the strike movement. The workers highly valued the selfless activities of the democrats. intelligentsia. Pyotr Alekseev, in his famous speech at the trial, stated that only a revolutionary. The intelligentsia “alone fraternally extended its hand to us. It alone responded, lent its voice to all the heard peasant groans of the Russian Empire.” The first ones are independent. workers' organizations began to appear in mid. 70s, although a populist. ideology still had a decisive influence on the advanced workers. Revolutionary N. and the international socialist movement. Revolutionary The populists closely followed the Europeans. will release. movement. They were widely aware of various revolutions. theories of all countries of the world. They were attracted by the experience of the Western-European struggle. proletariat, although viewed through the prism of utopianism. socialism: it was assumed that European. will release. the movement will speed up the cross. revolution in Russia. Strong influence on the development of Russian. revolutionary-democratic The movement was influenced by the 1st International. Much credit for the dissemination of its principles belonged to the Russian section of the 1st International. Ideas International Workers' Associations, international. connections and unity of the world revolution. populist movements spread. publications "Forward!", "Worker", propaganda brochures. “Russian socialists,” wrote the newspaper “Forward!” in 1876, “must remember that they are one link in the international movement of workers and must use all their efforts to ensure that their like-minded people in different countries see them as comrades in the common historical movement.” . In some illegal publications (M.A. Bakunin, “Statehood and Anarchy”, “Historical Development of the International”, etc.) the tasks of the International were interpreted in an anarchist way, and the struggle of scientific leaders was tendentiously covered. socialism with Bakunism. In illegal populists. publications raised the problem of international ties between the workers of Germany and Russia. Gas. "Forward!" noted that a war against Germans is brewing in Germany. proletariat from the bourgeoisie pr. The Russians must help this fight. revolutionaries. Conducting propaganda among workers and peasants, the populists declared: “there is an agreement between the workers of all countries to make a common revolution.” Success cross. They connected the revolutions in Russia with the activities of the International. Strong influence on the development of the revolution. movement in Russia was influenced by the Paris Commune of 1871. Narodnik D. A. Clements wrote that “the appearance of the Paris Commune, this great world event, and a closer acquaintance with the true character and program of the International Society of Workers served as a turning point, the beginning of a new era in the development of the revolutionary cause in Russia". Revolutionary the struggle of the proletariat of Paris contributed to the development of the desire to organize the people among the participants in the “going to the people.” cross. movements. After the defeat of the Paris Commune, denial increased among the populists. attitude towards the bourgeois political coups, apoliticalism prevailed. The populists did not understand Marxism and considered it a “Western” teaching that was not applicable to Russia. At the same time, they were the first distributors of products. K. Marx and F. Engels in Russia: illegally published in Russian in 1871. language "The Civil War in France", in 1872 - "Capital". Execute The Narodny Volya Committee reported in 1880 to K. Marx that Capital had become a reference book for educated people. The populists introduced advanced workers to certain economics. theories of Marx. The ideas of "Capital" were set out in the propaganda brochure "Tsar - Famine", written by Narodnaya Volya member A. N. Bach. In the beginning 80s The Manifesto of the Communist Party was distributed underground. N. and culture. Revolutionary movement N. influenced the democratic. Russian culture of that time. Among the writers close to N.’s ideas, one can name N. A. Nekrasov, M. E. Saltykov-Shchedrin, G. I. Uspensky, N. N. Zlatovratsky, P. V. Zasodimsky, Karonin (N. E. Petropavlovsky) and others who spoke on the pages of Otechestvennye zapiski. Basic The tendency in the work of these writers was concern for the fate of the peasantry, a desire to understand the life of the people, and criticism of serfdom. survivals and developing bourgeoisie. relations in the village, belief in the need for social change. Liberal-populist. views were propagated by writers and publicists on the pages of Russian Wealth. B will depict. art, the greatest ideological closeness to N. was felt in the work of the Itinerant artists who turned to the people. life, history will liberate. struggle. Under directly influence of the revolutionary populist movement, paintings by I. E. Repin arose - “Under Escort”, “Gathering of Nihilists”, “Arrest of a Propagandist”, “Refusal of Confession”, “We Didn’t Expect”; N. A. Yaroshenko - “Prisoner”, “At the Lithuanian Castle”, “Student”. Similar phenomena were observed in music, where representatives of the “Mighty Handful” developed ideas about the liberation of the people, about the strength of the people. protest (operas by M. P. Mussorgsky “Boris Godunov”, N. A. Rimsky-Korsakov “The Woman of Pskov”, A. P. Borodin “Prince Igor”, etc.). Revolutionary-democratic The ideology was also reflected in historiography, where populism arose. direction. Revolutionary The populists in history were primarily interested in the people. movements in Europe and Russia, bourgeois. revolution, the experience of which was important for the upcoming revolution in Russia. The most seriously developed ist. problems Lavrov, Tkachev, N.I. Utin. For the liberal-populist. historiography ch. the question becomes the problem of the “special”, non-capitalist. Russia's development paths. The attention of populist historians (P. A. Sokolovsky, A. Ya. Efimenko) focused on studying the history of the community. Sokolovsky in his works “Essay on the history of rural communities in the North of Russia” (1877), “Economic life of the agricultural population of Russia and the colonization of the south-eastern steppes before serfdom” (1878) showed the evolution of the ancient community - the volost, in which The principle of equal rights to land in the later community prevailed. The historian saw the reasons for the decomposition and death of the ancient community not in social internal ones. processes, and in external factors. order - state intervention. Efimenko polemicized against Sokolovsky’s concept and denied the originality and primitiveness of the community. In her work “Cross Land Ownership in the Far North” (RM, 1882, No. 4), she argued that in the north of the country the community originated from a village - a small independent one. "ground cell". This transition occurred as a result of the deprivation of peasants' land ownership rights, which was a consequence of government intervention. The research of Sokolovsky and Efimenko introduced a number of serious concrete studies into science. decisions. However, in general, he is a populist. the theory of the community was untenable: cross forms were studied. land ownership, but the social processes taking place in Russia were not studied. village. Narodnich. direction in historiography is most clearly represented in the works of V.I. Semevsky, worldview and history. the concept of which was formed ch. arr. under the influence of Lavrov’s “Historical Letters” and Mikhailovsky’s journalism. Semevsky’s focus was on the history of the peasantry in Russia, the development of which the researcher considered as “... the debt of our science to the people” (Russian Thought, 1881, No. 2, p. 223). In the works "Peasants during the reign of Emperor Catherine II" (vols. 1-2, 1881-1901), "The Christian question in Russia in the 18th and first half of the 19th centuries." (vol. 1-2, 1888), etc. Semevsky was the first to give generalizing material about various aspects of Russian life. of the peasantry, showed its lack of rights and oppression, painted a broad picture of the cross. struggle. The historian believed that studying the past of the peasantry should help improve their lives. Liberal N. Populism of the 20th century. The liberal trend in N. emerged from the moment of its inception and continued to develop in subsequent years. In mid. 80s liberal N. becomes dominant. current, which was due to socio-economic. development of the country, the crisis of the revolutionary. N. “From a political program,” wrote Lenin, “calculated to rouse the peasantry to a socialist revolution against the foundations of modern society, grew a program designed to mend, improve the position of the peasantry while preserving the foundations of modern society...” ( Soch., vol. 1, pp. 246-247). The liberal populists tried to replace the revolutionary liberationists. small-town movement reformism. Their program boiled down to increasing the cross. allotments, restoration of peasants to citizenship. rights, reorganization cross. bank, etc. Socio-economic. the views of the liberal populists were eclectic. bourgeois radicalism. On the one hand, it was recognized that commodity agriculture became the basis of social processes and developed into capitalism, on the other hand, the bourgeoisie was denied. nature of production. relations and the need for class was not recognized. struggle of the proletariat. Mikhailovsky, V.P. Vorontsov, S.N. Krivenko, S.N. Yuzhakov and other liberal populists launched an active struggle against Marxism. At a time when capitalism in Russia became a fact, when the movement of the proletariat intensified, the liberal populists repeated the old formulas of N., historically explainable in the 60-70s, continued to prove that capitalism in Russia is a decline, a regression, and denied supremacy. the role of the working class in the revolution. An outdated populist. ideology became an obstacle to the spread of Marxism in Russia, ch. an obstacle to social democracy. It was necessary to show the fallacy of the populists. doctrine, from a Marxist position to answer the questions posed by the revolutionaries. movement at a new stage. Plekhanov began to solve this problem, and Lenin completed it. In the beginning 20th century N.'s successors were the "socialist revolutionaries" - the Socialist Revolutionaries, who formed into a party in 1902 as a result of the unification of the populists. groups and circles: "Workers' Party of Political Liberation", "Union of Socialist Revolutionaries", "Group of Old People's Will" and others. Study of N. Revolutionary-Democratic. post-reform movement. Russia was closely observed and studied by K. Marx and F. Engels. Welcoming the struggle of the revolutionaries. populists against tsarism, they at the same time criticized the petty bourgeoisie. ideas rus. utopian socialism. The study of N. in Russia began in the 1880s. and until 1905-07 Ch. arr. in the form of collecting materials, publishing first memoirs and journalistic works. essays (P. B. Akselrod, S. M. Stepnyak-Kravchinsky, O. V. Aptekman). In 1895-96, P. L. Lavrov’s book “Populists Propagandists 1873-1878” was published in Geneva. Plekhanov in his works “Socialism and the Political Struggle”, “Our Disagreements”, “On the Question of the Development of a Monistic View of History” and others from the perspective of history. subjected to materialism will decide. criticism of all directions of N., the theory of “originality” of history. development of Russia, revealed the inconsistency of the populists. the concepts of “hero” and “crowd”, convincingly proved the principles of scientific. understanding of history. Plekhanov was the first in Russian history. society thoughts proved the existence and development of capitalism in Russia. He showed that the future of revolution. Russia is connected with the working class and the revolution must first of all rely on it. intelligentsia. Plekhanov substantiated the need to create a Russian proletarian, social-democratic parties. Plekhanov dealt N. the first serious ideological blows. However, Plekhanov was unable to give a clear analysis of the class. roots of N., its social soil and history. conditionality. Lenin did this later. Lenin in his works “What are the friends of the people and how do they fight against the Social Democrats”, “The economic content of populism and its criticism in Mr. Struve’s book”, “The development of capitalism in Russia”, etc., subjecting the economics to a deep analysis. relations in Russia, completed the ideological defeat of N. and clearly defined the tasks of the Russians. Social-Democrats Lenin created the Marxist concept of the history of N., revealed its social class. essence. Lenin exposed anti-science. the views of the populists, whose ideology was based on subjective sociology, which ignored the objective laws of societies. development, which denied the very concept of history. necessity. Lenin showed three characteristic features of N. Firstly, the recognition of capitalism in Russia as a decline, a regression, and hence the desire of the populists to delay and stop the development of capitalism. Secondly, faith in the originality of Russians. economical building, russian the peasantry with its community in particular, the idealization of the cross. communities. Thirdly, the denial of the connection between the intelligentsia and legal and political. institutions of the country with the material interests of certain classes; hence the recognition of the intelligentsia as an omnipotent force capable of “dragging history” wherever it pleases. Lenin showed a serious evolution, which N. experienced, turning from a revolutionary-democratic. currents into moderate-liberal. Lenin emphasized the importance of revolution. N. as the predecessor of the Russian. social democracy. On the other hand, he exposed the liberal populists as imaginary “friends of the people” who abandoned the revolutionaries. struggle and seeking reconciliation with tsarism. Lenin showed that N., which at one time was a progressive phenomenon, by the 90s. has become a reactionary theory, “...playing into the hands of stagnation and all sorts of Asianism” (Works, vol. 2, p. 483). By exposing N.'s ideology, Lenin contributed to the establishment of Marxism in Russia. revolutionary movement. Already before 1905-07, an official-protective tendency appeared in the historiography of N. (A. P. Malshinsky, Review of the Social Revolutionary Movement in Russia, St. Petersburg, 1880; N. N. Golitsyn, History of the Social Revolutionary Movement in Russia. 1861-1881, St. Petersburg, 1887; “Chronicle of the socialist movement in Russia 1878-1887”, St. Petersburg, 1890 (in French); S. S. Tatishchev, Emperor Alexander II. -2, St. Petersburg, 1903). First Russian the revolution increased interest and expanded opportunities for the study of revolutionaries. N. Valuable memories (Kovalik, S. S. Sineguba, M. P. Frolenko, M. Yu. Aschenbrenner, etc.), documents are published in the journal. “The Past”, “Years Past”, “The Voice of the Past”. Dept. The memoirs of V.K. Debogory-Mokrievich, Kropotkin, N.A. Morozov and other populists are published. Ed. V. Ya. Bogucharsky (B. Bazilevsky) are published in collections. "State crimes in Russia in the 19th century," "Literature of the People's Will Party," "Revolutionary journalism of the seventies." The revolution of 1905-07 allowed V.I. Lenin to determine the real content of societies. the meaning of N., establish the periodization of the revolution. movements in Russia, explore the evolution of the revolutionary. democracy (“Small-burger and proletarian socialism.” “From the past of the workers’ press in Russia”, “In memory of Herzen”, “Populists about N.K. Mikhailovsky”, “On populism”, etc.). After 1905-07, bourgeois books appeared. -liberal historians (L. Barrivé, Liberation movement during the reign of Alexander II, M., 1909; A. A. Kornilov, Social movement under Alexander II, M., 1909; V. Ya. Bogucharsky, Active populism of the seventies, M., 1912, and his, From the history of political struggle in the 70s and 80s of the 19th century, M., 1912). They collected a large amount of material on the history of N., but there is no social basis for it; the ideology of N. Oct. is interpreted idealistically. The revolution of 1917 determined a radical change in the study of N. Archives were opened for researchers, memoirs began to be published (Figner, M. P. Sazhina, A. N. Bach, etc.), and collections were published. op. Bakunin, Lavrov, Tkachev, collection. Doc. On this source.

Within populism, revolutionary and liberal trends are distinguished. The revolutionary trend of populism itself entered a period of prolonged crisis.

At the turn of the 50s and 60s. XIX century The autocracy found itself in a difficult political situation due to its defeat in the Crimean War. The war exposed Russia's military and economic backwardness. In the 60–70s. In the 19th century, fundamental changes took place in the life of the country. Despite the inconsistency of the reforms, they contributed to the rapid development of capitalism in Russia. The provisions of the Manifesto caused complete disappointment in radical circles.

The populists believed that the intelligentsia owed a debt to the people and should devote themselves to ridding them of oppression and exploitation. Many hundreds of young men and women went to the villages as teachers, volost clerks, teachers, paramedics, etc. The broad movement among the people soon ceased, both as a result of repression and because the people turned out to be immune to the propaganda of the populists.

Populism of the 19th century (briefly)

The main target of the terrorists was Alexander II. In 1879, the organization split. A group that had a negative attitude towards political terror formed the organization “Black Redistribution” (G.V. Plekhanov, V. Zasulich, P.B. Axelrod, M.A. Natanson).

Supporters of terror formed the group “People's Will” (A. Mikhailov, A. Zhelyabov, S. Perovskaya, N. Kibalchich, N. Morozov, V. Figner). On March 1, 1881, Alexander II was killed by Narodnaya Volya. The populists turned to the new Tsar Alexander III with a proposal to convene a Constituent Assembly and carry out reforms, promising to end the terror.

Populism. Its main currents

The development of capitalism, the growth of the labor movement, as well as the crisis of revolutionary populism forced some representatives of the populists to turn to Marxism. The ideologists of populism reflected the interests and sentiments of the peasantry, which fought against the remnants of feudalism.

He alienated possible allies in the opposition camp: liberals and populists. Populism was assessed ambiguously by both contemporaries and historians. Others consider the populists to be conspirators and murderers, whose actions led to a split in the opposition movement, alienated the liberals from them, and hardened the government.

The fall of serfdom and the intensification of class struggle in the post-reform period contributed to the rise of the revolutionary movement, which brought to the fore the revolutionary populists. They underestimated the power of autocracy, did not see the connections of the state with the interests of classes, and concluded that social revolution in Russia was an extremely easy matter. The ideological leaders of revolutionary populism in the 70s. were M.A. Bakunin, P.L. Lavrov, P.N. Tkachev.

The meaning of populism.

The differences lay in the definition of the main driving force of the revolution, its readiness for revolutionary struggle, and methods of struggle against autocracy. He outlined his theory in “Historical Letters”, published in 1868 - 1869. He considered the intelligentsia capable of critical thinking to be the leading force of historical progress.

P.N. Tkachev, an ideologist of the conspiratorial trend, did not believe in the possibility of carrying out a revolution by the forces of the people, and pinned his hopes on the revolutionary minority. Tkachev believed that autocracy has no class support in society, therefore it is possible for a group of revolutionaries to seize power and transition to socialist transformations.

They led to the formation of three trends in populism: rebellious, propaganda, conspiratorial. By the beginning of the 80s. The industrial revolution was completed in the main areas of industry and transport.

The ideology of the Narodniks, which appeared in the Russian Empire in the 1860-1910s, advocated the transition of society to “fair” socialism straight from feudalism, jumping over capitalism. The idea was proposed by Herzen and developed by Bakunin, Belinsky, Chernyshevsky. Marxists were against it. They argued that the emerging system in Russia could only be capitalist.

In essence, the activities of the populists are a kind of bridge in the revolutionary movement: from the noble (or Decembrist) stage to the Marxist (that is, proletarian) stage. However, the masses turned out to be immune to the propaganda of the revolution. And government repression suppressed this initiative. Nevertheless, it left a bright mark that the history of Russia remembers. Who are the populists and why are they famous? We'll talk about this in detail in the article.

In search of people's truth

Who were the populists in the 19th century? These are intellectuals, commoners who were looking for their place in society. They were tormented by the thought that they had long been cut off from the people, their wisdom and truth. They said that morally the peasants were much higher than themselves. Only they are illiterate, live in poverty, suffer from injustice. And we need to get closer to them, open their eyes and set them on the right path. This is the duty of the intelligentsia to the people. It is necessary to level all social strata and take the best from everyone.

Also, the worldview of the newly-minted defenders of working people was based on the opinion that Russia is a unique country. The peculiarity of its economy is national production. Therefore, it has a unique development path, different from other states. The populists sought to develop their own, which would be suitable for both industrialists and ordinary peasants. Herzen, for example, wrote about purely “Russian socialism.” This served as a signal to action.

Origins of the doctrine

Today, scientists emphasize how multifaceted the history of Russia was. And among many other political movements, the question of who the populists are and what the soil is that gave rise to this phenomenon is of particular interest. Why did seemingly sound initiatives run into a wall of misunderstanding?

Russia of those years was agrarian and backward. Capitalism is poorly developed. The life of the peasants was controlled by the land community. The workers included in it owned a common plot of land. Society guaranteed them normal work and family life, ensured equal rights for everyone, and protected villagers from the oppression of large landowners and officials.

It was later, when social stratification began in the village, that the community became an obstacle to the development of peasant farms. In the meantime, she was a model of the structure of Russian society and occupied a special place among people. Those who propagated the populist movement seized on this.

Herzen, the forerunner of populism, observed how sadly the revolutions of 1848-1849 ended in Europe. He lost faith in European socialism. Comparing his country and Western ones, he came to the conclusion: socialism in Russia must first be established. And it's not that difficult. After all, a rural community is a ready-made cell of a socialist society. This is the main essence of the answer to the question: who are the populists?

Equality or justice?

Those who came out to defend the rights of the disadvantaged affirmed justice as the basis of the future society. And this is also understandable. Traditionally, the entire Russian culture is based on it. “I don’t demand equality, but justice!” - exclaimed in Dostoevsky's novel. This theme is constantly heard in one form or another in the literature and press of the period 1860-1910. And here is a clear vision of who the populists are in history, how they differ from other revolutionary-minded groups. Thus, Marxists emphasized the equality of people. And this did not meet the aspirations of the Russian people. After all, the Marxists were far from the realities of Russia and culture. Didn't feel it deeply.

Focus on peasants

To better understand who the populists are, we must remember Herzen with his “Russian socialism.” He paid attention to the peasants. After all, this is an extensive social base! Therefore, the goal is to eliminate land ownership by landowners, free the villagers with their plots (without ransom), and introduce self-government.

Chernyshevsky thought that the community would first play the role of a special form of production, in parallel with the capitalist one, and then gradually displace it.

From revolutionaries to anarchists

You also need to know the types of this movement in order to clearly understand who the populists are. There were three main currents: revolutionary, or radical, liberal, or propaganda, and anarchist.

The liberals, under the leadership of their ideologist P. Lavrov, had the idea of ​​some kind of special, but in no way capitalist, trajectory of Russia’s development. Yes, they also called for improving the lives of ordinary people. But in what way? Reformist. Their demands are to destroy the remnants of the serfdom system, eliminate land ownership by large landowners and do everything to prevent the “ulcers of capitalism” from penetrating into Russia. They knew the theory of Marxism well. We read and even translated all three volumes of Capital into Russian. But they considered this unacceptable for themselves.

They rejected any terror or violence. The leading force in history is the intelligentsia. After all, she knows how to think critically. But the peasants are not at all ready for revolution. This means that propagandists from the intelligentsia must first be trained. And let them go to the people and tell them. But not in order to gather the masses for an immediate revolt. It is necessary to lead the villagers to the beginning of the revolution through long-term explanatory work.

What did you do practically? They had a “theory of small things.” In general, the methods of the populists are cultural enlightenment among the population.

There were magazines, all kinds of public unions and organizations, meetings and, that is, elected bodies of local self-government.

Especially (already in the 1880-1890s) the populists liked the theory of so-called small deeds. The Nedelya newspaper convinced readers that it was a matter of honor for intellectuals to help the villagers. They themselves will not overcome the difficulties arising from the elements of a market economy. You can help peasants by participating in the activities of zemstvos.

The press appealed to teachers, agronomists, and doctors: “Move to the village and improve the lives of men with your personal work.” The magazine “Russian Wealth” vigorously discussed the problems of the village. The publicist A. Engelhardt, the writer L. Tolstoy and other outstanding contemporaries called for “settling on the earth.” They spoke about the moral superiority of the people over educated people.

We'll go a different way

The radicals, or revolutionary populists, united in an underground organization. They called themselves adherents of Chernyshevsky. Their criterion was one - the quick and ruthless overthrow of the Tsar and the immediate transition to socialism.

A prominent figure among them is Lenin’s brother. He was one of the organizers and leaders of the terrorist faction “Narodnaya Volya”. It was Ulyanov Sr. who drew up the program for their struggle against tsarism.

In just a year, these revolutionary populists created their secret network. And this is 80 groups. There are approximately five thousand activists - in the center and locally. In general, a detachment of several thousand like-minded people gathered. The People's Will made five attempts on the life of Alexander II, who went down in history as a “liberator” and “great reformer.” After all, it was he who abolished serfdom and carried out financial and other reforms. However, the terrorists stubbornly hunted him. During the last assassination attempt on March 1, 1881, the emperor was mortally wounded.

Interesting fact: Alexander Ulyanov sold his gold medal, which he received for his studies, and bought explosives for a bomb with this money.

The 21-year-old terrorist was captured in preparation and executed. After such a tragic outcome, young Lenin said: “No, we will go the other way!”

Then the country was followed by mass arrests of “troublemakers,” high-profile show trials, and executions. In just three years (from 1881 to 1884), ten thousand people were repressed. Thus, Narodnaya Volya ceased to exist.

Rebels by blood

Anarchists are the third branch of populism. Not only did they not think of patching up holes in any state, but they also did not recognize any of them. P. Kropotkin and M. Bakunin - the ideologists of Russian anarchism - convinced that any power suppresses and enslaves the individual. And Russians are rebels by vocation, by blood. The peasants are ready for revolution. Therefore, the only thing left to do is to organize a nationwide revolt. And he will sweep away this state and will not allow the creation of a new one. Any state apparatus, by definition, is already evil.

Kropotkin spoke about the dominant role of the masses. They can reformat the country. One has only to create autonomies, communes and federations.

Can't stand it anymore

What other methods did the populists use? A mass of illegal and semi-legal circles has proliferated throughout the country. Only some were simply propagandists, others were conspirators.

Student circles flooded Kharkov, Moscow and other cities. For the most part, young people preferred to overthrow the monarchy through revolution. The new device is a union of regions. Of course, federal, which is governed by an elected assembly.

“Land and Freedom”, a secret society, enjoyed great influence in the capital. Also in St. Petersburg and Moscow the “People’s Retribution” group worked. Its members were preparing nothing less than a “peasant revolution.”

Penitent nobles

There were even such circles as “Penitent Nobles”. They devoted their entire lives to making amends to the men for centuries of guilt for themselves and their ancestors.

In a word, one way or another, everyone wanted to awaken their “socialist instincts” among the people. All this was very popular, new, great. Prose writers and journalists diligently wrote on these topics. Artists created paintings. Thus, Ilya Repin’s painting “The Arrest of the Propagandist” was received with a bang.

But gradually populism began to lose its popularity and influence in society. Moreover, the working class was already raising its head.

It was a utopia

Peter Struve, an economist and political activist, convincingly explained who the populists were. This is an idealization of both primitive equality. It simply proposes an outdated economic system, which has been elevated into an entire socio-political system. In essence, this is the ideology of the intelligentsia, not the people.

In addition, similar proposals arise in countries with agricultural economies. And precisely during their transition to industrialization. Fans of these ideas intend to develop a certain model of non-capitalist development and gradually adapt the population to the rules of the modernized economy. But it doesn’t work, because it’s unrealistic.

Positive trace

The merit of the populists is that their doctrine and activities largely helped to consolidate the nation - through the elimination of class differences. The prerequisites were formed to create a legal space that is uniform for all segments of society without exception.

The erroneous intentions to preserve small peasant farming for centuries were also clearly proven. Terror tactics also did not bring results.

A new generation was growing up, ready to sacrifice itself in the fight against the outdated regime.

What do we know about populism? Perhaps we should deepen our knowledge? After reading this article, you will probably find something new for yourself.

Adherents of this movement liberated public consciousness from the dictates of the church, but preserved general cultural Christian traditions. The ideology of populism made the autocracy impervious to reasonable alternatives to the state, the authorities saw them as rebels, so the tsarist government found support for itself only in the conservative environment, which ultimately accelerated its death.

Directions and currents

According to the degree of radicalism there are:

• conservative course;
• liberal-revolutionary;
• social revolutionary populism;
• anarchist.

The conservative wing was associated with the Slavophiles (Strakhov, Grigoriev). His activities are the least studied and are represented mainly by the work of P. Chervinsky and I. Kablits, employees of the Week magazine.

Representatives of the liberal-revolutionary (centrist) wing of the 60-70s of the 19th century: Eliseev (Sovremennik magazine), Zlatovratsky, Obolensky, Mikhailovsky, Korolenko (1868-1884, “Domestic Records”), Krivenko, Yuzhakov, Vorontsov and others . Its leading ideologists were Lavrov and Mikhailovsky.
Supporters of the social-revolutionary direction of populism, led by Tkachev and, to some extent, Morozov, were not satisfied with the focus on propaganda and long preparation for a social explosion. They were attracted by the idea of ​​accelerating, forcing the revolution.

The anarchist wing disputed the need for change within the country. The anarchist populists Kropotkin and Bakunin were skeptical of power, considering it enslaving and suppressing individual freedom. As it turned out, this trend rather played a destructive role, although in theoretical terms it had a number of positive ideas.

The first circles and organizations

In 1856-1858 there was a propaganda circle at Kharkov University. In 1861, it was replaced in Moscow by an association under the leadership of P. E. Agriropulo and P. G. Zainchevsky. Its members considered revolution to be the only way to transform the surrounding reality.

"Land and Freedom"

The most influential secret organization in St. Petersburg in 1861-1864 was “Land and Freedom”. Its members (Sleptsov, Kurochkin, Obruchev, Utin, Rymarenko) dreamed of “conditions for revolution.” The program of this society included the transfer of land to peasants (it was planned for a ransom), the replacement of all officials with elected officials, and a reduction in expenses for the army and the royal court. However, these provisions never received adequate support among the people, and as a result, the organization dissolved itself, remaining undetected by the tsarist security services.

"Ishutintsy"

Ishutin's revolutionary society grew out of a circle that was part of the Land and Freedom organization. His goal was to prepare a peasant revolution through a conspiracy of intellectual groups. In an effort to bring to life some of Chernyshevsky's ideas on creating workshops and artels, members of the society opened a free school in Moscow in 1865, a bookbinding and sewing workshop, negotiated regarding the creation of a commune with the workers of the Lyudinovsky ironworks in the Kaluga province, and founded a cotton factory on the basis of association in 1865 in Mozhaisk district. The “Ishutintsy” planned Chernyshevsky’s escape from hard labor, but their activities were interrupted on April 4, 1866 by the assassination attempt of Karakozov, one of the members of this society, on the emperor. In this case, more than 2,000 populists were put under investigation, 36 were sentenced by the authorities to various measures (Karakozov was hanged, Ishutin was placed in solitary confinement, where he later went crazy).

"People's Massacre"

This organization, led by Nechaev, represented the radical populist movement and was created in 1869 in Moscow and St. Petersburg. It consisted of 77 people. Its goal was also to prepare a “people's revolution.” Sergei Nechaev personified fanaticism, unprincipledness, deceit and dictatorship in this organization. P.L. Lavrov openly opposed him, who believed that “no one should risk the moral purity of the struggle unless absolutely necessary, and not a single extra drop of blood should be shed.” Nechaev called for terror and provocations. He was confident that such methods would be useful in weakening the regime and would bring a brighter future closer. Ivanov, who opposed Nechaev, was later accused of treason and killed. The police uncovered this criminal offense, and the leader of the organization fled abroad, but was found, arrested and tried as a criminal.

This ideology did not pass without a trace, and was reflected in the revolutionary thought of other states. Thus, in the populist movements of the third world countries over many subsequent years, populism was encountered (20th century).