The limitations of the transformations of the 20-30s were clear to the most far-sighted representatives of the ruling elite of the Ottoman Empire. The main role in organizing their activities was played by Mustafa Reshid Pasha (1800-1858), who enjoyed the trust of Sultan Mahmud P. Under his leadership, a plan of new reforms was developed designed to strengthen the central government, prevent the development of the national liberation movement in the Balkans and weaken the Porte’s dependence on European powers by adapting the existing system to the norms of Western European life.

Work on preparing a decree on reforms began during the life of Mahmud II, and was completed under his successor Sultan Abdul-Mejid (1839-1861). This document (“Khatt-i Sherif” - “sacred decree”) was promulgated in November 1939 in front of the Sultan’s summer palace Gulhane and was called Gulhaney Khatt-i Sherif. He ushered in a new phase of reform in Turkish history, known as tanzimat(plural from Arabic, the words "tanzim" - ordering). The Gulhanei Khatt-i Sherif proclaimed three main goals of transformation: ensuring the security of life, honor and property for all subjects of the empire, regardless of religious affiliation; correct distribution and collection of taxes; streamlining recruitment and reducing the length of military service.

When implementing the ideas of the Sultan's decree of 1839, Mustafa Reshid Pasha encountered fierce resistance from opponents of the reform, primarily the ulema and senior officials, who profited from bribery and abuse. The active opposition of the reactionaries led to the fact that the Tanzimat reforms were carried out inconsistently.

The initiators of the Gulhanei Act paid a lot of attention to the implementation of its provision on the inviolability of life, property and honor of all subjects. For this purpose, a criminal code was adopted, a commercial code was developed, and a State Council and provincial advisory councils - Majlises of representatives of Muslim and non-Muslim communities - were established. All these measures contributed to a certain limitation of arbitrariness and lawlessness in the actions of the administration, reducing cases of confiscation of property, the use of torture during interrogations and death penalties. However, they did not in any way affect the autocratic power of the Sultan and therefore could not radically change the existing order. The Gulhaney Khatt-i Sherif promised to equalize the rights of Muslims and non-Muslims, but in practice the legislative provisions on the rights of non-Muslims were ignored or distorted. The Turkish ruling elite retained a monopoly on all the most important civilian and military positions. In an effort to improve the country's economy, Mustafa Reshid Pasha turned to revising the tax system. Extraordinary taxes and corvee were abolished, and the collection of the poll tax on non-Muslims, the jizya, was regulated. At the same time, the Porte's attempt to abolish the tax farming system, which was ruinous for the national economy and very beneficial for enriching tax farmers at the expense of taxpayers, ended in failure. The same fate befell projects for the organization of metalworking, textile and paper enterprises in the Istanbul region, in Izmir and Bursa, measures to improve the state of agriculture, and an attempt to improve finances through the creation of a state bank and a stable monetary system. Nothing was done to protect local production from competition from cheap foreign goods.

The military reform was carried out more successfully, according to which a regular recruitment of recruits was introduced on the basis of universal (for Muslims) military service, and the period of active service in the army was reduced from 15 to 5-7 years. Mustafa Reshid Pasha took a number of steps to spread the system of secular education. On his initiative, primary and secondary schools, pedagogical and other schools were created. These innovations caused particular discontent among the clergy, and the reformers were not supported by the Western powers. As a result, progress in the field of education was small, few secular schools were created, and an attempt to open a university failed due to lack of funds and teaching staff. The Crimean War, which began in 1853, interrupted the reform activities of Mustafa Reshid Pasha and his supporters. The first stage of the Tanzimat, 1839-1853, was a time of the most intense transformations in administrative and public administration, in the sphere of economics and culture. However, they were carried out in the name of saving the empire by representatives of its ruling elite and therefore led to only partial changes in the existing order. The reformers themselves did not receive widespread support in society, because their undertakings were not accompanied by a noticeable improvement in the lives of the masses, and the position of the oppressed non-Muslim peoples did not change radically. The reasons for intervention by powers were not eliminated.

Published in November 1839, the Gülhaney Hatt-i-Sherif stated that the new Sultan aims to provide all subjects with guarantees of the safety of their lives, honor and property, abolish the tax farming system and streamline taxation, as well as change the procedure for conscription for military service. To implement this program, in the early 40s, a number of reforms were carried out in the sphere of administration (the creation of majlises, i.e., advisory bodies with the participation of non-Muslims under the governors of the vilayets and sanjaks), the court (drawing up criminal and commercial codes), education (the creation of a system secular schools), and a number of measures have been taken to improve land relations and economic development.

The reforms provoked fierce resistance in the country, especially from the clergy, zealous adherents of Islam. They saw in the transformation of the traditional system of relations another step towards the Europeanization of the country and, accordingly, to the weakening of their influence, which they could not help but regard as a collapse of the foundations. One of the most vulnerable points of the entire Tanzimat program was the question of the status of numerous subjects of the empire who were not Turks or Muslims in general: an attempt to equalize the rights of non-Muslims with Muslims met the greatest resistance in the country. As a result, the procedure for conscription for military service was never changed (the army was still recruited from Muslims). Moreover, the problem of the status of Christians caused a conflict with Russia, which claimed protection over them and the “holy places” in Palestine, which ultimately became the reason for the Crimean War of 1853-1856. As a result of the war, Türkiye found itself in the camp of the winners, but this victory was Pyrrhic for it, because it depleted the treasury and marked the beginning of the country’s dramatically growing foreign debt. The main result of the war and the subsequent pressure from the powers associated with it was the continuation of the Tanzimat reforms.

The reforms of the 50-60s took another step towards establishing the equality of all subjects of the empire: the official status of non-Muslim millet communities (Greek, Armenian, Jewish, etc.) was established, and the admission of their representatives to public service was announced (the issue of participation them in the army remained unresolved). An important law on land was adopted, shop regulations in cities were abolished, and the tax farming system was streamlined. The judicial power was separated from the administrative power, and Sharia law

the courts are somewhat squeezed. The Ministry of Education was created, which was in charge of secular educational institutions, including higher education. And finally, the reforms provided many rights and benefits to foreign capital, primarily the right to own real estate. The implementation of all these reforms was associated with the activities of the most prominent reformers of the second half of the 19th century. Ali Pasha and Fuad Pasha, advisers to Abdul-Mejiday and his successor Abdul-Aziz1 (1861 - 1876), who led the government of the empire. Guided by the doctrine of Ottomanism (all subjects of the empire are Ottomans), they sought to maintain the dominant position of the Turks in the country with the formal equality of all peoples inhabiting the empire. Understanding the need for further Europeanization of the country, they made appropriate concessions to foreign capital, although they were clearly aware of how unpopular this policy was and what powerful forces in the empire opposed it.

As for concessions, they came down to tariff benefits (8% - a single customs tax on foreign goods), to confirmation of the capitulation regime, to the establishment of the Anglo-French Ottoman Bank (1856), leading in the financial affairs of the empire, which soon acquired the status of a state bank, and also to extensive capital investments in industrial and railway construction, extraction and processing of agricultural and other raw materials. It should be noted that at the same time the country’s external debt was growing, because the state budget deficit since the Crimean War was repaid through loans. The debt by 1876 reached a huge amount of 6 billion francs. The price for this was the increasing provision of opportunities for foreign capital to penetrate the economy of the empire. The result of this was a gradual change in the country's economy, which was drawn into the world market. The face of the economy changed both in the sphere of traditional crafts and trade, and in the field of agriculture. The nascent industry occupied an increasingly prominent position in the economy, and a developed infrastructure was created for its needs.

All these generally positive changes for the country, including the fact that their consequence was the economic invasion of the country by foreign capital, were accompanied by a growth in national self-awareness, especially among educated intellectuals. In 1865, a secret society of “new Ottomans” arose, which aimed to create a regime of constitutional monarchy in the country. In the early 70s, the newspaper “Ibret” (“Instruction”) began to be published in Istanbul, reflecting their ideas. And although the newspaper was soon closed, the positions of supporters of the constitution, led by the imperial dignitary Midhat Pasha, strengthened noticeably by the mid-70s. Mass protests by students in May 1876 served as a signal for decisive action: Sultan Abdul Aziz was deposed, and the new Sultan Abdul Hamid II agreed to a constitution, which was officially adopted in December 1876.

The Constitution proclaimed the fundamental rights and freedoms of citizens of the empire, created a bicameral parliament and somewhat limited the prerogatives of the Sultan. But the elected parliament turned out to be obedient to the will of the monarch, and the Grand Vizier Midhat Pasha was expelled from the country in February 1877. The Sultan, despite all the constitutional restrictions on his power, was clearly becoming the master of the situation. And there were good reasons for this. The fact is that the changes and transformations of the 40-60s, i.e. all the Tanzimat reforms and closely related changes in the country's economy, which were the result of the penetration of foreign capital into the empire, brought some benefits only to the urban sections of the population, who supported the new reforms, including the constitution. It is worth recalling that at that time this was a largely non-Turkish and even non-Muslim population of the country. As for the Turks themselves, they not only did not have the benefits of innovations and could not take advantage of their fruits, but on the contrary, they felt disadvantaged in their usual privileged position and even suffered some economic losses, in particular in connection with land reform.

The discontent fueled by the Muslim clergy became more and more noticeable over time, which was taken advantage of by the new sultan, who found in this discontent powerful support to counter the constitutionalists. Defeat in the Russian-Turkish War of 1877-1878. only added fuel to the fire: it could easily be explained as a consequence of innovations that weakened the power of the ruler. In February 1878, Abdul-Hamid carried out a coup d'etat: the parliament was dissolved, and the empire for many years was turned into a very gloomy despotism (in Turkey, the years of Abdul-Hamid's reign began to be called the term "zulum" - despotism, tyranny).

The day of November 3, 1839 went down in the history of the Ottoman Empire as the beginning of a new period of reforms. Their inspirer, the great statesman Reshid Pasha, organized a magnificent ceremony in the square in front of the Sultan's summer palace to proclaim the decree on reforms, known by the name of this palace as Gulhaney. Not far from the palace, stands were built on which the capital's nobility, the highest Muslim clergy, heads of non-Muslim communities, representatives of city workshops, and foreign diplomats sat. The troops who were to greet such an important event were stationed behind the stands. Sultan Abdul Mecid watched the celebrations from the window of the palace.

The reformers did not shy away from tradition. First, the court astrologer announced the arrival of a favorable minute for reading the act. Then Reshid Pasha read out the text of the Sultan’s decree written by him, which proclaimed guarantees of the safety of life, honor and property of all the Sultan’s subjects without distinction of religion, fair collection of taxes and duties, the elimination of the tax-farm system of their collection, improvement of the judicial system, and establishment of order in the recruitment of recruits. The ceremony ended with the traditional prayer of the imam, who raised a request to Allah for help in the planned transformations, and an artillery salute.

The Gulhanei Rescript was followed by a whole series of reforms that somewhat changed the order in the empire. During the Tanzimat period (“tanzimat” in Turkish means “reforms”), i.e. in the 30-60s of the 19th century, many government departments gradually began to acquire European features.

At the beginning of the second half of the 19th century. the structure of the highest government institutions of the Ottoman capital was already very extensive. Many thousands of officials worked in government departments and departments. There were ten ministries - military, maritime, foreign affairs, justice, finance, public education, police, trade, public works and vacancies. The role of the Ministry of Internal Affairs was played by the office of the Musteshar (Advisor) of the Grand Vizier. The ministers, led by the Grand Vizier, formed the Supreme Council of the Empire, which also included Sheikh-ul-Islam, the chairman of the State Council created in 1868, several senior dignitaries and the prefect of the capital. The Supreme Council met weekly to discuss government affairs. The Sultan himself presided, and in his absence, which happened quite often, the meetings of the council were led by the Grand Vizier.

The Ottoman table of ranks had many steps and gradations. The officials of the central administration (kalemiye) alone were divided into five ranks, the highest of which corresponded to the rank of ferik - division general.

European principles of organizing public administration also required a new bureaucracy. The process of creating a new bureaucracy lasted several decades. At first, the translation agency that existed in Istanbul (Tercüman odasi) played a big role in it; it became a center for training not only diplomats, but also politicians. The Sultan founded this bureau after the Greek uprising of 1821, when the Porte ceased to trust the Phanariot Greeks who served as government translators. Many major statesmen of the mid-19th century emerged from this institution. Later, the cadre of officials in the capital's institutions began to be replenished with graduates of new secular secondary and special educational institutions.

Administrative and municipal departments of the capital also underwent some changes by the middle of the century. Istanbul and its district constituted an independent vilayet (governor-general), divided into four mutesarrıflyk (governorship) - Istanbul proper, Pera, Üsküdar and Büyük Çekmece (a region in the European part of Turkey adjacent to the capital). The prefecture was in charge of municipal affairs, and the capital was divided into 14 municipal areas. The population, according to the 1844 census, was about 800 thousand people. In the 70s of the 19th century, according to the capital’s authorities, approximately a million people lived in the city; according to European statistics, in Istanbul at that time there were 1200 thousand inhabitants, including 620 thousand Muslims and 580 thousand non-Muslims.

Gradually, the appearance of the capital's population began to change. Special decrees regulated the appearance of government employees. A decree was even issued requiring that the length of the mustache be consistent with the length of the eyebrows. European influence gradually began to affect the clothing and manners of officials, merchants, and the emerging intelligentsia. One of his contemporaries noted that oriental attire began to give way to European ones in the capital; the traditional turban was replaced by a new headdress - the fez; and the size of beards also decreased. “The younger generation of the upper Turkish class,” wrote this author, “babbled in French, burbling and simpering; patent leather boots have taken the place of yellow shoes, the bare feet of rich women are dressed in thin, well-stretched stockings, and even some waists seem to be already being compressed by corsets. The European crews were separated on recumbent springs...”

Even in the behavior of the sultans something changed. The Russian diplomat K. Basili, who knew Istanbul well in the first half of the 19th century, noting changes in the established habits of the capital's residents, cited the example of the Sultan himself. He dressed relatively simply and crossed the Bosphorus without the previous escort of two dozen decorated gondolas, on a modest eight-oared caique. Only the traditional Friday departure of the Sultan to the mosque retained some pomp. The number of courtiers and palace servants also decreased, although the Sultan's court was still expensive for the state treasury.

The changes, however, were not limited to external manifestations. In the middle of the 19th century. Istanbul became the center of formation of the Turkish intelligentsia, whose influence soon began to be felt in all spheres of the political and cultural life of the capital. The development of the secular school especially contributed to the formation of the intelligentsia. In 1826, a military medical school was opened in Istanbul. Somewhat later, several new military schools were created, as well as educational institutions for training officials of civilian departments. In 1846, an Agricultural School was opened on the outskirts of Istanbul, and in 1850 a Veterinary School was opened. By the middle of the century, the first comprehensive secular primary schools appeared.

In 1848, the first male pedagogical school in Turkey was opened in the capital. By 1874/75, there were already 264 secular primary schools in Istanbul, including 25 for women; 13 thousand children studied there. If we take into account that the Muslim population of Istanbul was approximately 600 thousand people, then for every 40-50 residents there was only one student at a secular school. Yet these were important cultural shifts for Turkish society.

On February 18, 1856, a week before the opening of the peace congress in Paris, a new decree on reforms was published, the essence of which was to confirm the guarantees of the Gulhaney Decree of 1839 on the benefits and privileges of the Sultan's non-Muslim subjects and their full equality with Muslims before the law. This decree, which had a clear foreign policy orientation, stimulated further reforms in agriculture, legislation, the administrative system, in the field of education and culture.

In the 70s of the XIX century. The first secular secondary schools appeared in Istanbul; on September 1, 1868, the Galatasaray Lyceum was opened. Its graduates - school teachers, army and navy officers, and officials - joined the ranks of the young Turkish intelligentsia. The Galatasaray Lyceum was a privileged educational institution; it was patronized by the Sultan and the Porte. France provided significant assistance in its creation, sending experienced teachers to the lyceum. With the help of France, a good library and several laboratories were created there.

A major event in the cultural life of Istanbul was the opening of the university. In the early 60s, the construction of the university building was largely completed, a library was created (about 4 thousand volumes in various languages), equipment and visual aids were ordered from European countries. The organization of the first Turkish university was greatly facilitated by the activities of the Ottoman Scientific Society, established in 1861 in Istanbul, which set itself broad educational goals. The society created a public library in Istanbul with 600 volumes with a reading room, and organized courses in the study of English and French. Since July 1862, it began publishing the monthly “Journal of Sciences” - the first popular science magazine in the history of Turkey. Over the course of four years, it published articles on the humanities and natural sciences, and essays on the political situation in various countries. It is no coincidence that it was members of the society who became the first lecturers at the university.

The official opening of the university took place on February 20, 1870. But on December 31, 1863, the first public lecture took place there, which attracted a considerable audience for Istanbul at that time - 300 listeners. The lecture on physics was given by Dervish Pasha, who was educated in Europe. Public lectures were also held in a number of other disciplines - in natural science and mathematics, astronomy and history. Lectures on history were given by the prominent historian and figure of Turkish education, Ahmed Vefik Efendi. True, most of the listeners had clearly insufficient preparation. For example, the experiments that accompanied many lectures were perceived by them as magic tricks or miracles.

The fate of the first university in Istanbul was unenviable. It soon became clear that there were neither teachers nor a sufficient number of textbooks. The university was actually reduced to the status of a secondary educational institution, and at the end of 1871, as a result of sharp attacks by the reactionary Muslim clergy, it was closed altogether. In 1874, attempts were renewed to open a university, this time on the basis of the Galatasaray Lyceum. But they also ended in failure due to serious difficulties with the staff of teachers. Finally, in 1900, the Sultan University was opened in Istanbul with three faculties - theological, literary and technical. This time the university became a permanent institution of higher education, although under the dictatorship of Sultan Abdul Hamid II it was, in the words of one of the Turkish historians of the Enlightenment, a “very thin and silent” institution.

No matter how complicated and difficult the path of secular educational institutions in Istanbul was, their existence changed the cultural atmosphere in the capital and led to the creation of a layer of educated people. The Istanbul Turkish press also played a huge role in the formation of the young national intelligentsia. Its development occurred at a rapid pace. On November 1, 1831, the first official newspaper in Turkish began to be published - “Takvimi Veki” (“Calendar of Events”). And in 1876, 13 newspapers were published in Turkish in Istanbul, including 7 daily ones. In the same year, 34 newspapers were published in other languages ​​in the capital of the Ottoman Empire: 9 each in Greek and Armenian, 7 in French, 2 in English, 1 in German, 3 in Bulgarian, 2 in Hebrew and 1 - in Arabic.

By that time, Istanbul had also become a major book publishing center. At the end of the 70s of the XIX century. There were several dozen public and private printing houses in the city. They supplied tens of thousands of copies of various books to the book market. Not only religious Muslim works were published in the capital (restrictions on their publication gradually disappeared by the end of the 60s), but also school textbooks, monuments of Arabic and Persian classical literature, and works by Turkish writers. In Istanbul bookstores one could buy Turkish translations of the works of Moliere and Lamartine, Hugo and Dumas the Father, Defoe and Swift. Translations of extracts from the works of Montesquieu, Voltaire and Rousseau were published.

Foreign educational institutions played a certain role in the cultural life of Istanbul. Back in the 16th century. French Catholic missionaries, with the support of the French government, began to create their own schools in the Ottoman Empire. By the middle of the 19th century, in Istanbul alone there were more than 40 French Catholic schools, half of them for women; more than two-thirds of the students were local Catholics. There were also several Belgian and Italian schools. From the middle of the 19th century. Protestant missionaries, supported by the US government, actively began to create their own schools in the Ottoman Empire, including in the capital. In September 1863, the American Robert College was opened in Istanbul, in the Bebek quarter, which over the years became extremely popular among the Turkish intelligentsia. Being the largest center for the propaganda of Protestantism in the Ottoman Empire, this college helped strengthen the political and cultural influence of the United States in the Sultan's possessions. However, all foreign schools in the Ottoman Empire pursued similar goals. At the end of the 19th century. In Istanbul, with the growth of German expansion in the Middle East, several German and Austrian schools appeared. In 1879, a Russian girls' school was opened, and in 1892, a Russian school; These educational institutions were designed primarily for the children of Russian diplomats. Despite the very definite political and cultural orientation of most foreign schools, they greatly contributed to the formation of various national groups of the Istanbul intelligentsia.

In the 60-70s, Istanbul became the center of socio-political activity of the Turkish intelligentsia, among whom a movement arose to transform the Ottoman Empire into a constitutional monarchy. The awakening of public opinion was greatly facilitated by the newspaper “Tasviri Efkar” (“Image of Ideas”) created by the educational writer Ibrahim Shinasi, the first issue of which was published in Istanbul on June 28, 1862. This newspaper played a big role in promoting the views of the West, which were advanced for Turkey at that time, in the ideological formation of the first Turkish constitutionalists. In the 60-70s, a prominent place in the Istanbul press was occupied by newspapers published by the leaders of this social movement - Ali Suavi (“Muhbir” - “Correspondent”, 1867) and Namık Kemal (“Ibret” - “Edification”, 1872- 1873).

In June 1865, in the Istanbul suburb of Yeniköy, the first meeting of the founders of the secret “Society of New Ottomans” took place, whose activities paved the way for the struggle for the constitution. Two years later, the leaders of this society were forced to flee to Europe. There - in Paris, London and Geneva - the “new Ottomans” published newspapers in Turkish, in which they demanded constitutional reforms. These newspapers were secretly transported to Turkey. The demand for them was so great that, for example, the price of one copy of the newspaper of the “new Ottomans” “Hurriyet” (“Freedom”) in Istanbul reached one Turkish lira (6 rubles in gold). The Istanbul bookseller Frenchman Kok even dared to display copies of the newspaper in the window of his store, attracting crowds of curious people.

TANZIMAT

(Arabic - transformation, reform; Turkish - tanzimat) - the name adopted in literature for reforms in the Ottoman Empire from 1839 to the beginning. 70s 19th century and the period of their implementation. T. was caused by the deepening crisis of the Ottoman Empire that arose in the end. 18th century due to the growth of internal contradictions and intensification of the European struggle. powers for dominance in the Balkans and the Middle East. East (the so-called Eastern Question). Even then it was economical. and political decline of the country, defeats in wars, separatism of outlying feudal lords, discontent of the people. masses by increasing the tax burden and other forms of feud. oppression and continuous uprisings of the oppressed peoples gave rise to the Tur. ruling circles desire to carry out reforms, without affecting the foundations of the feud. building, could save the empire from the looming threat of collapse and death. Attempts by Sultan Selim III (1789-1807) and then Grand Vizier Mustafa Pasha Bayraktar (1808) to implement such reforms failed. The destruction of the Janissary army in 1826 and some other reforms of Sultan Mahmud II (1808-39) contributed to the streamlining of the state. management, forms of land. property, education system, etc., but did not stop the development of the crisis. The most striking manifestation of this crisis was in the 20-30s. 19th century national-liberate the revolutions of the Balkan peoples, which led to the independence of Greece and the autonomy of Serbia, the struggle of Egypt against the Tur. domination, unrest in Kurdistan, increased penetration of foreigners. capital into the Turkish economy, etc. The crisis especially worsened in mid. 1839, when the tour. The troops were defeated by the Egyptians, and the Europeans. powers presented a tour. pr-vu and egypt. Pasha Muhammad Ali demanded that the decision be transferred to the Egyptian tour. conflict into their hands, which actually meant the establishment of an international guardianship over Turkey. In this situation, the proclamation of T. took place. The Sultan's rescript (Khatt-i Sherif Gulhane), which contained a program of planned transformations, was prepared min. foreign affairs by Reshid Pasha and solemnly promulgated on November 3. 1839 in the Gulhane palace park ("House of Roses") in the presence of Sultan Abdulmecid (1839-61), the highest secular and spiritual dignitaries of the empire, foreign. ambassadors and delegations. The rescript guaranteed to all subjects of the Sultan (regardless of religion) the inviolability of life, honor, property, the elimination of arbitrariness, fair distribution and collection of taxes. It was promised to abolish the tax-farm system (iltizam) and reduce the terms of military service. service up to 4-5 years, conduct finance. military, adm. and judicial reforms. In pursuance of the Gulhaney Khatt-i Sheriff, in 1840 laws were issued on the abolition of iltizam and the creation of a commercial court, in 1843 - a law on reducing the period of military service to 5 years, in 1846 - a rescript on the creation of secular schools, in 1847 - on the admission of non-Muslims on equal terms grounds with Muslims as witnesses in court, in 1850 - commercial. French code model, in 1852 - the law on the creation of a council of councils. councils (majlis) from representatives of the secular and spiritual nobility, including non-Muslims. All these laws were ineffective. The Gulhanei Rescript was implemented extremely slowly, with great feudal resistance. reactions. The proclaimed reforms remained for the most part only on paper, and some were even officially canceled; Thus, in 1852 the tax farming system was actually restored. The population was not guaranteed the inviolability of life, honor and property. The equality of rights with Muslims that was promised to non-Muslims was also not respected.

During the Crimean War of 1853-56, under pressure from England and France, who sought to weaken Russia’s position when discussing the terms of a peace treaty and gain new privileges for themselves in Turkey, a new rescript of the Sultan (Khatt-i) was prepared and then published (February 18, 1856). Humayun 1856). Along with repeating the basics. provisions of the Gülhaney Act, it contained promises to develop the country’s economy and use for this purpose “the experience and capital of Europe,” i.e. provide additional privileges to foreigners. capital; in particular, foreign subjects received the right to own real estate in the territory. The Ottoman Empire has equal rights with the Turks. subjects. Mention of this rescript was included in the Paris Peace Treaty of 1856 and it, therefore, acquired the character of an international one. Turkey's obligations. Subsequently, many laws adopted in pursuance of the 1856 rescript helped strengthen the positions of foreigners. capital and foreign (non-Turkish) comprador bourgeoisie and the transformation of Turkey into a semi-colony. But to a certain extent, the laws of T. contributed to the improvement of the state. management, court and administration. Thus, in 1864 the law on vilayets was adopted, in 1858 - criminal and land, in 1869 - civil. codes (although they were largely a collection of old Sharia norms). Thanks to T., more favorable conditions were created for entrepreneurial activity, the growth of the bourgeoisie, and the development of secular education (for example, the publication of the Organic Law of 1869 on public education). T. gave impetus to the development of literature, science and journalism. A new intelligentsia was born, from among them came the Turks. educators and ideologists of the constitutional movement, leaders of the New Ottomans society. In the 70s 19th century Tajikistan practically ceased to exist, and under Sultan Abdul-Hamid II (1876-1909), a feudal regime was established in the country. reactions (“zulum”).

The history of T. is poorly developed. He was the first to provide coherent coverage of T.'s reforms in the department. spheres of government activities of Turkey French. scientist E. Engelhardt. However, both in his works and in the vast majority of works of later times, publ. tur., european and Amer. researchers, although they are rich in fact. material extracted from archival and other unpublished sources, there is no in-depth analysis of economics. and social reasons for T. Some authors exaggerate the effectiveness of T. Tour. historians E. Karal, H. Inalcik and others even claim that T. significantly eased the situation of the oppressed peoples of the Ottoman Empire, and ignore the facts indicating that T., especially starting from Humayun 1856, contributed to the enslavement of Turkey by Europe . capital (however, H. Inaldzhik notes that the trade benefits received by foreigners led to the ruin of the tourist industry). From among those who came out in the 60s. research on T. the most serious are the works of R. Davison and R. Devereux, who consider, in particular, from a more objective position, the influence of Western. powers on Turkish policy. Large actual material on the conduct of T. in the Balkan countries, which were part of the Ottoman Empire during this period, is contained in studies of the Bolshoi. historians D. Kosev, N. Todorov and others.

Lit.: Ahmet Lütfi, Tarihi Lütfi, cilt 1-8, Ist., 1873-1889; Cevdet Pasa, Tezakir, Ankara, 1953; Düstur, tertip 1, cilt 1-4, Ist., 1873-77, the same, tertip 2, cilt 1, Ist., 1885; Aristarchi Bey G., Legislation Ottomane..., cilt 4, Const., 1874; Young G., Corps dedroit ottoman, v. 1-7, Oxf., 1905-06; Berezin I.N., Traveling in the East, Kaz., 1849-52; Chikhachev P. A., Letters about Turkey, trans. from French, M., 1960; Documents for Bulgarian history, comp. P. Dorev, t. 3, S., 1940; The situation is for the Bulgarian people under Turkish slavery. Doc-ti and mat-li, comp. N. Todorov, S., 1953; Turski izvori za bulgarskata history, vol. 1, S., 1959; Miller A.F., A Brief History of Turkey, M., 1948, p. 39-86; Novichev A.D., Economic. and social changes in Asia and the Balkans in the first half. 19th century and the beginning of the tanzimat, M., 1966 (report at the congress of Balkanists); Shabanov F. Sh., State structure and legal system of Turkey during the Tanzimat period, Baku, 1967; Alkaeva L., Babaev A., Tur. Lit-ra, M., 1967, p. 32-44; Engelhardt E., La Turquie et le Tanzimat, P., 1882; Tanzimat, 1st., 1940; Bailey F. E., British policy and the Turkish reform movement, Camb., 1942 (rec. A. F. Miller, "BI", 1946, No. 8-9); Inalcik H., Tanzimat ve Bulgar meselesi, Ankara, 1943; Sapilyo E. V., Mustafa Resit pasa ve Tanzimat devri tarihi, Ist., 1945; Kaynar R., Mustafa Resit pasa ve Tanzimat, Ankara, 1954; Karal E. Z., Osmanli tarihi, cilt 5, baski 2, Ankara, 1961, p. 6-7, Ankara, 1954-56; Kuran E., Ottoman Historiography of the Tanzimat period, in: Historians of the Middle East, ed. by B. Lewis and P. M. Holt, L., 1962 (review of tourist sources); Davison W. N., Reform in the Ottoman Empire, 1856-1876, Princeton, 1963; "Belleten", 1964, No. 112, s. 705-18 (bib.); Devereux R., The first Ottoman constitutional period, Balth., 1963.

A. D. Novichev. Leningrad.

Soviet historical encyclopedia. - M.: Soviet Encyclopedia. Ed. E. M. Zhukova. 1973-1982 .

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- (Arabic). Transformative laws for the administration of the Turkish Empire, published after Gatisherif Abdul Mecid in 1839. Dictionary of foreign words included in the Russian language. Chudinov A.N., 1910. TANZIMAT Arabic. tansimat, plural number from... Dictionary of foreign words of the Russian language

The name adopted in the literature for reforms in the Ottoman Empire in 1839 and the early 70s. 19th century, which contributed to some acceleration of the decomposition of the feudal system in Turkey and the emergence of capitalist relations... Historical Dictionary

- (Turkish tanzimat, from Arabic tanzim ordering) the name of reforms in the Ottoman Empire in 1839, accepted in literature. 70s 19th century, which contributed to the emergence of capitalist relations. Political science: Dictionary reference book. comp. professional floor... ... Political science. Dictionary.

This article lacks links to sources of information. Information must be verifiable, otherwise it may be questioned and deleted. You can... Wikipedia

- (Turkish tanzimat, from Arabic tanzim ordering), the name adopted in literature for reforms in the Ottoman Empire in 1839 in the early 70s. XIX century, which contributed to the modernization of Turkey. * * * TANZIMAT TANZIMAT (Turkish tanzimat, from Arabic tanzim ordering) ... Encyclopedic Dictionary

- (Turkish tanzimat, plural from Arabic tanzim putting in order, streamlining) the name of reforms in the Ottoman Empire from 1839 to the early 70s. 19th century and the period of their implementation. T. was caused by the crisis of the Ottoman feudal... ... Great Soviet Encyclopedia

The word is Arabic and means ordering, arrangement. This is the name of the fundamental laws of Turkey, promulgated by Sultan Abdul Mecid upon his accession to the throne, November 3, 1839; this is the famous Gülhaney manifesto, which intended to give reforms to Turkey.... ... Encyclopedic Dictionary F.A. Brockhaus and I.A. Ephron

tanzimat- a, ch. Accepted in the literature are the names of reforms in the Ottoman Empire, which prompted the rapid dismantling of the feudal order in Turkey and the emergence of capitalist capitalism... Ukrainian Tlumach Dictionary

Tanzimat- the name adopted in literature for reforms in the Ottoman Empire in 1839 and the early 70s. XIX century, which contributed to some acceleration of the decomposition of the feudal system in Turkey and the emergence of capitalist relations... Encyclopedic Dictionary "World History"

THE TANZIMAT PERIOD AND CONCILIatory STEPS TOWARDS THE LOCAL ELITES (1839-1876)

After the turbulent period of I8o8-1839, the statist reformers of the Tanzimat era, pursuing a policy of centralization, still tried to find a common language with the provincial elites. The main reason for the change in policy towards local elites was that the presence of ayans, even those deprived of political influence, remained an indisputable socio-economic factor in the provinces.

Despite the confiscations, the Ayans still owned large tracts of land and wealth and continued to act as feudal lords, land managers and moneylenders. The people looked at them not as oppressors, but as benefactors and protectors.
That is, the ayans maintained their prestigious position among the local population, and people respected the title of ayan more than the titles of government officials. In such conditions, to implement reforms to modernize the country, state representatives of the Tanzimat era required active cooperation from local elites.

For centuries it was believed that the state was ultimately the owner of land in the Ottoman Empire, and peasants and feudal lords were only users of these lands. But during decentralization in the 17th and 18th centuries, the Ayans and other elites claimed that they already had hereditary rights to the cultivated lands.

The Land Code of 1858, reaffirming ownership only to the state (with the exception of certain private lands and lands owned by religious trusts), stipulated that government agencies could transfer ownership of land to individuals. The owner received a title document (tapu), which confirmed his right to the land. Communal tenure periods were not recognized.
This law was an important step towards the development of the concept of private property in land use. In Anatolia and the Balkans, the Land Code strengthened the position of the Ayans in this regard.

It is noteworthy that this period saw the rise of a wealthy merchant class as a result of the integration of the Ottoman Empire into the world economy. The urban merchant elite included both Muslims and non-Muslims. The growing wealth of the secular non-Muslim trading elite led to a change in the worldview of the Greek, Slavic and Armenian populations.

The strict religious-communal worldview of previous centuries was replaced by more secular nationalist views. In the provincial ports of Thessaloniki, Izmir, Trabzon and Beirut, a very significant Christian middle class, oriented towards a Western lifestyle, emerged.
The disintegration of patriarchal non-Muslim religious communities, which divided this part of the population into secular segments, was another reason why Tanzimat statists integrated these new groups into the new administrative structure.

ADMINISTRATIVE MEASURES AND AYANS
The Gülhane Decree (1839) guaranteed the safety of life, property and honor of all subjects of the empire, regardless of their religion, belonging to one class or another. Another of his articles announced the liquidation of taxable farms.

The reformers' desire to establish regular civil government in the provinces meant the elimination of feudal rights and privileges. Thus, these policies targeted aristocracies in peripheral regions and tribal areas, which caused local resistance.

The elimination of the institution of taxable households and the desire to endow governors with the competence of tax collectors led to the emergence of a new institution of power - a “collector of tax revenues” (muhassili emval) appointed from the center.

The next step of the Tanzimat reformers was the transformation of city councils into semi-representative bodies of local government, which integrated local elites into the regular structures of the provincial administration and balanced the power of the governor. In 184, a decree was issued to create provincial councils at the level of small administrative units (sancak) and large districts (kaza). But if in traditional city councils meetings were organized and chaired by the local kadi, then after 184 new administrative officials sent from Istanbul began to chair.

Provincial councils were of two types: large councils (buyuk meclis) and small councils (kucuk meclis). Their main responsibilities were to discuss and resolve issues of taxation and local police. For the first time in the history of the Ottoman Empire, non-Muslims received the right to vote in the provincial administration.

Unfortunately, the non-Muslim religious hierarchs and nobles who served on the councils used their membership to consolidate their own power over their communities. In the 185s this situation worsened and ultimately led to internal reform of non-Muslim communities.

It is important to note that a number of the governors of minor administrative units who took office between the 1840s and 1860s came from local ayans. The Brilliant Porte was in great need of ayans loyal to the state.
The aforementioned measures to reorganize the security forces and civil administration created a power vacuum at the provincial level that only they could fill, at least temporarily. Only after 1864 did all government positions begin to be occupied by officials sent from Istanbul itself.

The 1864 Provincial Act, which established a new administrative structure, did not give local elites the opportunity to increase their participation in decisions on provincial problems. The only change concerned the restoration of the procedure for electing nobility to city councils. Another innovation was the principle of representation on the councils of all religious heads of officially recognized non-Muslim communities.

LOCAL ARISTOCRATS OF PERIPHERAL REGIONS AND TRIBAL AREAS
In such peripheral areas as Bosnia and Albania, local aristocracies saw the unification of provincial administrations and the introduction of the concept of equality of citizens as undermining their feudal interests.
The Muslim nobility of Bosnia was not ready to give up feudal rights to the forced labor of Orthodox peasants. The former Kapetan refused to return the lands they had illegally occupied to the Orthodox and Catholic peasants. They also did not want to cooperate in introducing the institution of regular conscription into the army.

It was not until 1852 that the Ottoman state managed to overcome this feudal resistance by occupying Bosnia. In Albania, tribal leaders and large landowners, as well as urban guilds, resisted the abolition of centuries-old privileges in taxation and military service. The 184s were a period of local resistance, and the Ottomans never succeeded in establishing civil administration in parts of northern Albania and Kosovo.

After the return of Syria to Ottoman rule
in 1841, the city's noble families (ayans and ulema) and the leaders of the Syrian tribes retained their influence locally. Until 1860, the Porte was unable to implement Tanzimat reforms in this region. The administrative reforms mentioned above were carried out in Syria only after the intercommunal civil war in Lebanon and the bloody massacre of Christians in Damascus.

As a result of religious conflicts, the Ottoman civil administration took steps to introduce secular institutions. The creation of secular courts and schools narrowed the social functions and local influence of the Syrian Muslim ulema. Gradually, the sons of Syrian ayans and ulema entered Ottoman public schools, and a new generation of Syrian urban nobility entered the civil service and the new provincial administrations.

The liquidation of the Kurdish Emirates in eastern Anatolia in the 1830s and 1840s undermined order in the region. The disappearance of powerful local leaders led to anarchy: vassal tribes, no longer controlled by powerful leaders, began to attack less powerful tribes and settled populations. The central government was unable to fill this power vacuum.

Many Kurdish leaders turned into landowners, some of them migrated to the cities and formed a new class of landowners who settled in the cities. Having abandoned their nomadic lifestyle and become part of the urban elite of the provincial capitals of eastern Anatolia, these chiefs (agha) successfully integrated into the Ottoman political structure and entered the provincial councils. Unlike the leaders of the nomadic tribes, these agha considered themselves Ottoman subjects.

Due to the collapse of large tribes, the influence of Sufi sheikhs grew. Sheikhs of Muslim Sufi orders such as the Naqshbandiyya and Qadiriya became influential community leaders. They were able to combine religious holiness with material wealth. They received land property as a gift from their wealthy followers, thus the sheikhs turned into feudal landowners.
Since they were not tied to any tribe, their role as arbiters in local conflicts increased their prestige. In fact, the vacuum left by the former Kurdish emirs was filled by Sufi sheikhs, becoming an important political factor; some of them became members of provincial councils.

NON-MUSLIMS AND THEIR POSITION DURING THE TANZIMAT PERIOD
The traditional dominance of the clerics over non-Muslim communities began to weaken as a result of the emergence of a new class of wealthy merchants. Although this new urban middle class possessed significant material resources, it was excluded from the governance of its communities.
Disagreements also emerged between the traditional religious and Western-educated secular trading elites.

At the same time, Tanzimat reformers viewed the non-Muslim communal structure in its patriarchal form as a foreign body. They wanted to introduce the institution of citizenship, independent of professed religion, but the communal split in society prevented the implementation of this goal.
Therefore, after the Reform Decree of 1856, representatives of the Ottoman state forced the Greek and Armenian communities to secularize their administrations. As a result, the Greeks in 1859, and the Armenians in 1863, formed new communal structures, which allowed the laity to participate in the work of communal administrations; At the same time, the influence of the clerics decreased.
The Provincial Act of 1864 guaranteed participation in provincial councils not only by laymen, but also by all non-Muslim communal leaders.

EXPERIMENT WITH THE FIRST PARLIAMENT AND REPRESENTATION OF LOCAL ELITES IN ISTANBUL (1876-1878)

The 1876 Declaration of a Constitutional Regime was revolutionary in that for the first time local elites were allowed to participate in the political life of Istanbul.

The first Ottoman parliament was convened in 1877-1878. Due to time constraints, the first members of parliament were not elected directly by the population of the empire, but from among the members of the provincial councils. Therefore, most of the parliamentarians were ayans and other representatives of the nobility. One third were non-Muslims.

Istanbul's traditional image of the provincial population as a controlled crowd was destroyed. When Abdud Hamid II dissolved parliament, Istanbul's ruling elite accepted the move largely silently, thereby implicitly demonstrating satisfaction with the measure.