As a result of the defeat of the French in the Franco-Prussian War of 1870-1871, the French Emperor Napoleon III was captured, and Paris had to go through another revolution. And on March 2, 1871, the difficult and humiliating Treaty of Paris was concluded for France. The territories of Alsace and Lorraine, the kingdoms of Saxony, Bavaria and Württemberg were annexed to Prussia. France should have paid 5 billion indemnities to the winners. Wilhelm I returned to Berlin in triumph, despite the fact that all the credit for this war belonged to the chancellor.

Victory in this war made possible the revival of the German Empire. Back in November 1870, the unification of the southern German states took place within the framework of the United German Confederation, transformed from the Northern one. And in December 1870, the Bavarian king made a proposal to restore the German Empire and German imperial dignity, which were once destroyed by Napoleon Bonaparte. This proposal was accepted, and the Reichstag sent a request to Wilhelm I to accept the imperial crown. On January 18, 1871, Otto von Bismarck (1815 - 1898) proclaimed the creation of the Second Reich, and Wilhelm I was proclaimed Emperor (Kaiser) of Germany. At Versailles in 1871, when writing the address on the envelope, Wilhelm I indicated "Chancellor of the German Empire", thus confirming Bismarck's right to rule the created empire.

The “Iron Chancellor,” acting in the interests of absolute power, ruled the newly formed state in 1871-1890, from 1866 to 1878, with the support of the National Liberal Party in the Reichstag. Bismarck carried out global reforms in the field of German law, and he also did not ignore the system of management and finance. The implementation of educational reform in 1873 gave rise to a conflict with the Roman Catholic Church, although the main reason for the conflict was the growing distrust of German Catholics (who made up almost a third of all the country's inhabitants) towards the Protestant population of Prussia. In the early 1870s, after these contradictions manifested themselves in the work of the Catholic Center Party in the Reichstag, Bismarck was forced to take action. The fight against the dominance of the Catholic Church is known as the Kulturkampf (struggle for culture). During this struggle, many bishops and priests were placed under arrest, and hundreds of dioceses were left without leaders. Subsequently, church appointments had to be coordinated with the state; Church officials were not allowed to hold official positions in the state apparatus. Schools were separated from the church, the institution of civil marriage was created, and the Jesuits were completely expelled from Germany.

In constructing his foreign policy, Bismarck was based on the situation that arose in 1871 thanks to Prussia’s victory in the Franco-Prussian War and the acquisition of Alsace and Lorraine, which became a source of continuous tension. Using a complex system of alliances that made it possible to ensure the isolation of France, the rapprochement of the German state with Austria-Hungary, as well as maintaining good relations with the Russian Empire (the alliance of three emperors: Russia, Germany and Austria-Hungary in 1873 and 1881; the existence of the Austro-German alliance in 1879 years; the conclusion of the “Triple Alliance” between the rulers of Germany, Austria-Hungary and Italy in 1882; the “Mediterranean Agreement” of Austria-Hungary, Italy and England in 1887, as well as the conclusion of the “reinsurance agreement” with Russia in 1887), Bismarck supported. peace throughout Europe. During the reign of Chancellor Bismarck, the German Empire became one of the leaders in the international political arena.

When building his foreign policy, Bismarck made a lot of efforts to consolidate the gains gained as a result of the signing of the Frankfurt Peace in 1871, sought to ensure the diplomatic isolation of the French Republic and tried by any means to prevent the formation of any coalition if it could become a threat to German hegemony. He preferred not to take part in discussions of claims against the weakened Ottoman Empire. Despite the fact that the “Triple Alliance” was concluded against France and Russia, the “Iron Chancellor” was firmly convinced that a war with Russia could be extremely dangerous for Germany. The existence of a secret treaty with Russia in 1887 - a “reinsurance treaty” - shows that Bismarck was not above acting behind the backs of his own allies, Italy and Austria, in order to maintain the status quo both in the Balkans and in the Middle East.

And Bismarck did not clearly define the course of colonial policy until 1884; the main reason for this was friendly relations with England. Among other reasons, it is customary to cite the desire to preserve public capital by minimizing government expenses. The first expansionist plans of the “Iron Chancellor” were met with energetic protest from every party - Catholics, socialists, statists, as well as among the junkers who represented him. Despite this, it was during the reign of Bismarck that Germany became a colonial empire.

In 1879, Bismarck broke with the liberals, subsequently relying only on the support of a coalition of large landowners, the military and state elite, and industrialists.

At the same time, Chancellor Bismarck managed to get the Reichstag to adopt a protective customs tariff. Liberals were forced out of big politics. The direction of the new course of economic and financial policy of the German Empire reflected the interests of large industrialists and farmers. This union managed to occupy a dominant position in the sphere of public administration and political life. Thus, there was a gradual transition of Otto von Bismarck from the Kulturkampf policy to the beginning of the persecution of socialists. After the attempt on the life of the sovereign in 1878, Bismarck passed through the Reichstag an “exceptional law” directed against the socialists, since it prohibited the activities of any social democratic organization. The constructive side of this law was the introduction of a state insurance system in case of illness (1883) or injury (1884), as well as old-age pensions (1889). But even these measures were not enough to alienate the German workers from the Social Democratic Party, although it distracted them from revolutionary ways of solving social problems. However, Bismarck strongly opposed any version of legislation that would regulate the working conditions of workers.

During the reign of Wilhelm I and Frederick III, who ruled for no more than six months, not a single opposition group managed to shake Bismarck's position. The self-confident and ambitious Kaiser was disgusted by the secondary role, and at the next banquet in 1891 he declared: “There is only one master in the country - I, and I will not tolerate another.” Shortly before this, Wilhelm II made a hint about the desirability of Bismarck's resignation, whose application was submitted on March 18, 1890. A couple of days later, the resignation was accepted, Bismarck was granted the title of Duke of Lauenburg and awarded the rank of Colonel General of the Cavalry.

Having retired to Friedrichsruhe, Bismarck did not lose interest in political life. The newly appointed Reich Chancellor and Minister-President, Count Leo von Caprivi, was especially eloquently criticized by him. In Berlin in 1894, a meeting took place between the emperor and the already aging Bismarck, organized by Clovis Hohenlohe, Prince of Schillingfürst, Caprivi's successor. The entire German people took part in the celebration of the 80th anniversary of the “Iron Chancellor” in 1895. In 1896, Prince Otto von Bismarck had the opportunity to attend the coronation of Russian Emperor Nicholas II. Death overtook the “Iron Chancellor” on July 30, 1898 at his Friedrichsruhe estate, where he was buried.

On April 1, 1815, Otto von Bismarck, the “Iron Chancellor,” whose activities largely determined the boundaries of modern Europe, was born. All his life Bismarck was associated with Russia. He, like no one else, understood the strength and contradictions of our state.

Russian love

Bismarck had a lot in common with our country: service in Russia, “apprenticeship” with Gorchakov, knowledge of the language, respect for the Russian national spirit. Bismarck also had a Russian love, her name was Katerina Orlova-Trubetskaya. They had a whirlwind romance in the resort of Biarritz. Only one week in her company was enough for Bismarck to be captured by the charms of this young attractive 22-year-old woman. The story of their passionate love almost ended in tragedy. Katerina’s husband, Prince Orlov, was seriously wounded in the Crimean War and did not take part in his wife’s fun festivities and bathing. But Bismarck accepted. She and Katerina almost drowned. They were rescued by the lighthouse keeper. On this day, Bismarck would write to his wife: “After several hours of rest and writing letters to Paris and Berlin, I took a second sip of salt water, this time in the harbor when there were no waves. Swimming and diving a lot, dipping into the surf twice would be too much for one day.” This incident became a wake-up call for the future chancellor; he never cheated on his wife again. And time has run out - big politics has become a worthy alternative to adultery.

Ems dispatch

In achieving his goals, Bismarck did not disdain anything, even falsification. In a tense situation, when the throne became vacant in Spain after the revolution in 1870, William I’s nephew Leopold began to lay claim to it. The Spaniards themselves called the Prussian prince to the throne, but France intervened in the matter. Understanding Prussia's desire for European hegemony, the French made a lot of efforts to prevent this. Bismarck also made a lot of efforts to pit Prussia against France. Negotiations between the French ambassador Benedetti and William came to the conclusion that Prussia would not interfere in the affairs of the Spanish throne. The account of Benedetti's conversation with the king was reported from Ems by telegraph to Bismarck in Berlin. Having received assurances from the chief of the Prussian general staff, Moltke, that the army was ready for war, Bismarck decided to use the dispatch sent from Ems to provoke France. He changed the text of the message, shortening it and giving it a harsher tone, insulting France. In the new text of the dispatch, falsified by Bismarck, the end was composed as follows: “His Majesty the King then refused to receive the French ambassador again and ordered the adjutant on duty to tell him that His Majesty had nothing more to say.”
This text, offensive to France, was transmitted by Bismarck to the press and to all Prussian missions abroad and the next day became known in Paris. As Bismarck expected, Napoleon III immediately declared war on Prussia, which ended in the defeat of France.

Russian "nothing"

Bismarck continued to use Russian throughout his political career. Russian words slip into his letters every now and then. Having already become the head of the Prussian government, he even sometimes made resolutions on official documents in Russian: “Impossible” or “Caution.” But the Russian “nothing” became the favorite word of the “Iron Chancellor”. He admired its nuance and polysemy and often used it in private correspondence, for example: “Alles nothing.” One incident helped him penetrate into the secret of the Russian “nothing.” Bismarck hired a coachman, but doubted that his horses could go fast enough. "Nothing!" - answered the driver and rushed along the uneven road so briskly that Bismarck became worried: “You won’t throw me out?” "Nothing!" - answered the coachman. The sleigh overturned, and Bismarck flew into the snow, bleeding his face. In a rage, he swung a steel cane at the driver, and he grabbed a handful of snow with his hands to wipe Bismarck’s bloody face, and kept saying: “Nothing... nothing!” Subsequently, Bismarck ordered a ring from this cane with the inscription in Latin letters: “Nothing!” And he admitted that in difficult moments he felt relief, telling himself in Russian: “Nothing!” When the “Iron Chancellor” was reproached for being too soft towards Russia, he replied: “In Germany, I’m the only one who says “nothing!”, but in Russia it’s the whole people.”

Sausage duel

Rudolf Virchow, a Prussian scientist and opposition figure, was dissatisfied with the policies of Otto von Bismarck and the bloated military budget of Prussia. He began to research the typhus epidemic and came to the conclusion that no one was to blame for it, but Bismarck himself (overpopulation was caused by poverty, poverty by poor education, poor education by lack of funding and democracy).
Bismarck did not deny Virchow's theses. He simply challenged him to a duel. The duel took place, but Virchow prepared for it unconventionally. He chose sausages as his “weapon.” One of them was poisoned. The famous duelist Bismarck chose to refuse the duel, saying that heroes do not eat to death and canceled the duel.

Gorchakov's student

It is traditionally believed that Alexander Gorchakov became a kind of “godfather” of Otto von Bismarck. There is a grain of wisdom in this opinion. Without the participation and help of Gorchakov, Bismarck would hardly have become what he became, but the role of Bismarck himself in his political formation cannot be underestimated. Bismarck met Alexander Gorchakov during his stay in St. Petersburg, where he was the Prussian envoy. The future “Iron Chancellor” was not very pleased with his appointment, taking it for exile. He found himself far from “big politics,” although Otto’s ambitions told him that he was born precisely for this. In Russia, Bismarck was received favorably. Bismarck, as they knew in St. Petersburg, resisted with all his might during the Crimean War the mobilization of German armies for war with Russia. In addition, the courteous and educated fellow countryman was favored by the Dowager Empress - the wife of Nicholas I and the mother of Alexander II, née Princess Charlotte of Prussia. Bismarck was the only foreign diplomat who had close contact with the royal family. Work in Russia and communication with Gorchakov seriously influenced Bismarck, but Gorchakov’s diplomatic style was not adopted by Bismarck, he formed his own methods of foreign policy influence, and when the interests of Prussia diverged from the interests of Russia, Bismarck confidently defended Prussia’s positions. After the Berlin Congress, Bismarck broke up with Gorchakov.

Descendant of Rurikovich

Now it is not customary to remember this, but Otto von Bismarck was a descendant of the Rurikovichs. His distant relative was Anna Yaroslavovna. The call of Russian blood was fully manifested in Bismarck; he even had the opportunity to hunt a bear once. The "Iron Chancellor" knew and understood the Russians well. The famous phrases are attributed to him: “You should either play fairly with the Russians, or not play at all”; “The Russians take a long time to harness, but they travel quickly”; “The war between Germany and Russia is the greatest stupidity. That’s why it will definitely happen.”

Worldview

They say that the German Chancellor Otto Bismarck hired a coachman on his way to St. Petersburg, but doubted that his horses could go fast enough. "Nothing!" - answered the driver and rushed along the road so much that Bismarck became worried: “You won’t throw me out?” - "Nothing!" - answered the coachman. Then the sleigh overturned, and Bismarck fell into the snow, bleeding his face on a stump. In a rage, he swung a steel cane at the driver, and he grabbed a handful of snow with his hands to wipe Bismarck’s bloody face, and kept saying: “Nothing... nothing!” In St. Petersburg, Bismarck ordered a ring with the inscription “Nothing!” And when the “Iron Chancellor” was reproached for being too soft towards Russia, he replied: “In Germany, I’m the only one who says “nothing!”, but in Russia - the whole people.”

There have been fierce debates about the personality and actions of Otto von Bismarck for more than a century. Attitudes towards this figure varied depending on the historical era. It is said that in German school textbooks the assessment of Bismarck's role changed no less than six times.

It is not surprising that both in Germany itself and in the world as a whole, the real Otto von Bismarck gave way to myth. The myth of Bismarck describes him as a hero or a tyrant, depending on the political views of the myth-maker. The "Iron Chancellor" is often credited with words that he never uttered, while many of Bismarck's truly important historical sayings are little known.

Otto von Bismarck was born on the family estate of Schönhausen on April 1, 1815, into a family of Prussian landowners. Representatives of this family served the rulers of the province of Brandenburg from the middle of the 17th century. The ancestors of the Bismarcks - conquering knights - settled in these places during the reign of Charlemagne. All generations of this family served the rulers of Brandenburg in peaceful and military fields.

Wilhelmina, Otto's mother, was from a family of civil servants and belonged to the middle class. Such marriages became more and more common in the 19th century, as the educated middle classes and the old aristocracy began to merge into a new elite. At the insistence of his mother, Otto and his brother were sent to Berlin to receive an education. During 10 years of study, he changed three gymnasiums, but did not show any particular interest in knowledge. And only in the gymnasium “At the Gray Monastery,” where Otto moved in 1830, did he feel freer than in previous educational institutions. Of all the subjects, the young cadet was most interested in the politics of past years, the history of military and peaceful rivalry between different countries.

At the age of 17, Bismarck entered the University of Göttingen, where he studied law. While a student, he gained a reputation as a reveler and brawler, excelling in duels (later he repeatedly boasted of victories in 27 duels). The future chancellor did not bother himself with science at all, devoting most of his time to fencing and beer. Having neglected his studies, Otto transferred to the University of Berlin, but even here he was more enrolled than studying, since he hardly attended lectures, but mainly used the services of tutors to help him improve before exams.

Nevertheless, he graduated from the university and immediately tried to enter the diplomatic service, but was refused - his “rubbish” reputation took its toll. And then Bismarck decided to start from the very bottom and became an official in the Berlin Judicial Department.

In 1837, Otto held the position of tax official in Aachen, and a year later - the same position in Potsdam. There he joined the Guards Jaeger Regiment. In the autumn of 1838, Bismarck moved to Greifswald, where, in addition to fulfilling his military duties, he suddenly began studying animal breeding methods at the Elden Academy.

An innate disgust with the lifestyle of a Prussian official forced Bismarck to resign in September 1839 and take over the leadership of the family estates in Pomerania. In private conversations, Otto explained this by saying that his temperament was not suitable for the position of a subordinate. He did not tolerate any authority over himself: “My pride requires me to command, and not to carry out other people’s orders.”

In the nine years during which Otto ruled the ancestral lands, their value increased by more than a third!

True, sometimes in an evening Bismarck lost at cards everything that he had managed to save over months of painstaking management. And sometimes he liked to play pranks: for example, he notified his friends of his arrival by shooting shots at the ceiling. For his violent temper in those years, he received his first nickname - “mad Bismarck.”

However, intellectually, the “mad Bismarck” was far superior to his Junker neighbors. At the estate, Bismarck continued his education, taking up the works of Hegel, Kant, Spinoza, David Friedrich Strauss and Feuerbach. Otto studied English literature very well, since England and its affairs occupied Bismarck more than any other country.

Yet Bismarck could not be just a landowner. The dream of a political career began to be realized in 1847, when Otto von Bismarck became a deputy of the United Landtag of the Kingdom of Prussia.

The middle of the 19th century was a time of revolutions in Europe. Liberals and socialists sought to expand the rights and freedoms enshrined in the constitution. Against this background, the appearance of a young politician, extremely conservative, but at the same time possessing undoubted oratorical skills, was a complete surprise. The revolutionaries greeted Bismarck with hostility, but those around the Prussian king noted an interesting politician who could benefit the crown in the future.

We must give Bismarck his due: he did not change his electoral platform for almost half a century. He defended the Prussian junkers and the king, who “alone has the power from God to decide the politics of the country.” His domestic policy would later be called “the constant duel between the people and the government.”

From 1851, Otto von Bismarck, the "mad deputy" as he was now called, represented Prussia in the Diet, which met in Frankfurt am Main. He continued to study diplomacy and successfully applied the knowledge he gained in practice.

In 1859, the king's brother Wilhelm, who was regent at the time, sent Bismarck as envoy to St. Petersburg. There he became close to the Russian Foreign Minister, Prince Gorchakov, who assisted Bismarck in his efforts to diplomatically isolate first Austria and then France. Gorchakov predicted a great future for Bismarck. One day he said, pointing to Bismarck: “Look at this man! Under Frederick the Great he could have become his minister.” In St. Petersburg, Otto von Bismarck not only mastered the Russian language, but managed to understand the character and mentality of the Russian people. It was from the time of work in St. Petersburg that Bismarck’s famous warning would come out about the inadmissibility of a war with Russia for Germany, which would inevitably have disastrous consequences for the Germans themselves.

A new round of Otto von Bismarck’s career occurred after Wilhelm I ascended the Prussian throne in 1861. The ensuing constitutional crisis, caused by disagreements between the king and the Landtag over the issue of expanding the military budget, forced Wilhelm I to look for a figure capable of carrying out state policy “ with a hard hand." Otto von Bismarck, who by that time held the post of Prussian ambassador to France, became such a figure.

Bismarck's extremely conservative views made even Wilhelm I himself doubt such a choice. Nevertheless, on September 23, 1862, Otto von Bismarck was appointed head of the Prussian government. A week later, he made a famous speech in the Diet: “The great questions of the time are decided not by speeches or decisions of the majority, but by iron and blood.” Ignoring the liberal opposition, Bismarck completed military reform and strengthened the German army.

Over the next decade, Bismarck's policies aimed at unifying Germany and the rise of Prussia over all German states led to three wars: the war with Denmark in 1864, after which Schleswig, Holstein (Holstein) and Lauenburg were annexed to Prussia; Austria in 1866; and France (Franco-Prussian War of 1870-1871). The result of these wars was the unification in 1867 of the German states into the North German Confederation, which, along with Prussia, included about 30 other countries.

All of them, according to the constitution adopted in 1867, formed a single territory with laws and institutions common to all. The foreign and military policy of the union was actually transferred to the hands of the Prussian king, who was declared its president. A customs and military treaty was soon concluded with the South German states. These steps clearly showed that Germany was rapidly moving towards its unification under the leadership of Prussia.

It should be noted that after the defeat of the Austrian troops, Bismarck managed to achieve the abandonment of the annexationist claims of Wilhelm I and the Prussian generals who wanted to enter Vienna and demanded large territorial acquisitions, and offered Austria an honorable peace (Prague Peace of 1866). Bismarck prevented Wilhelm I from "bringing Austria to its knees" by occupying Vienna.

The future chancellor insisted on relatively easy peace terms for Austria in order to ensure its neutrality in the future conflict between Prussia and France, which became inevitable year by year, since the southern German states of Bavaria, Württemberg and Baden remained outside the North German Confederation. France did everything possible to prevent Bismarck from including these lands in the North German Confederation. Napoleon III did not want to see a united Germany on his eastern borders. Bismarck understood that this problem could not be solved without war.

The Franco-Prussian War, which broke out in 1870, provoked by Bismarck and formally started by Napoleon III, ended in complete disaster both for France and for Napoleon himself, who was captured after the battle of Sedan. Not a single major European power stood up for France. This was the result of the preliminary diplomatic activities of Bismarck, who managed to achieve the neutrality of Russia and England. France had to give up Alsace and Lorraine and pay a large sum of reparations.

On January 18, 1871, Otto von Bismarck proclaimed the creation of the Second Reich (German Empire). In the hall of mirrors at Versailles, the Prussian King William I, who became the German Emperor thanks to Bismarck, wrote on the envelope the address “to the Chancellor of the German Empire,” thereby confirming Bismarck’s right to rule the empire that he created and which he proclaimed.

Assessing his role in the unification of the country, Bismarck said that he was always happy when he managed to get even one step closer to the unity of Germany in any way. The victorious wars and the formation of a unified empire reconciled Wilhelm and Bismarck with most of the opposition, which from that moment began to enthusiastically welcome the aggressive policy of the first chancellor.

“Iron Chancellor” - this is how Bismarck began to be called. He ruled the German Empire for almost 20 years. During this time, Bismarck carried out reforms of German law, management and finance systems, and educational reforms (it was the latter that led to conflict with the Roman Catholic Church). The struggle against the dominance of the Catholic Church (and German Catholics made up about a third of the country’s population and had an extremely negative attitude towards almost entirely Protestant Prussia) was called “Kulturkampf” (“struggle for culture”). During it, many bishops and priests were arrested, hundreds of dioceses were left without leaders. Church appointments now had to be coordinated with the state; clergy could not serve in the state apparatus.

At the same time, Bismarck passed social laws (on insurance of workers in case of illness and injury, on old-age and disability pensions), which laid the foundations for social insurance. At the same time, Bismarck opposed any legislation regulating the working conditions of workers.

In the field of foreign policy, Bismarck made every effort to maintain peace in Europe, but at the same time the German Empire had to remain one of the leaders in international politics.

Bismarck, strictly speaking, never rushed beyond the European continent. He once said that if Germany pursued colonies, it would become like a Polish nobleman who boasts of a sable fur coat without having a nightgown.

Bismarck skillfully maneuvered the European diplomatic theater. “Never fight on two fronts!” - he warned the German military and politicians. Bismarck managed to successfully achieve this goal until his resignation, but his cautious policy began to irritate the German elite. The new empire wanted to take part in the redivision of the world, for which it was ready to fight with everyone. The “Iron Chancellor” was beginning to interfere with the new generation of politicians who no longer dreamed of a united Germany, but of world domination.

The year 1888 went down in German history as the “year of the three emperors.” After the death of 90-year-old Wilhelm I and his son, Frederick III, who suffered from throat cancer, 29-year-old Wilhelm II, grandson of the first emperor of the Second Reich, ascended the throne.

The new Kaiser grew up an ardent admirer of the “Iron Chancellor,” but now the boastful Wilhelm II considered Bismarck’s policies too old-fashioned. Why stand aside while others share the world? Wilhelm considered himself a great geopolitician and statesman. At one of the banquets, he declared: “There is only one master in the country - that’s me, and I won’t tolerate another.”

In March 1890, 75-year-old Bismarck was sent into honorable retirement, and with him his policies went into retirement. Just a few months later, Bismarck's main nightmare came true - France and Russia entered into a military alliance, which England then joined.

Otto von Bismarck left Berlin, and crowds of people saw him off, recognizing his services to Germany - already during his lifetime he became the subject of worship and imitation.

Bismarck died on his Friedrichsruhe estate on July 30, 1898, before he could see Germany rushing at full speed towards a suicidal war. At that time, no one knew that Wilhelm II, having rejected all the advice and warnings of Bismarck, would drag Germany into the First World War, which would put an end to the empire created by the “Iron Chancellor.” The new Kaiser, who wanted to rule alone, only had 28 years to lose everything...

Otto von Bismarck is buried on his own estate. The inscription on the tombstone states that a devoted servant of the German Kaiser Wilhelm I rests here.

Monuments to Bismarck stand in all major cities of Germany; hundreds of streets and squares are named after him. He was called the “Iron Chancellor”, he was called Reichsmaher, but if this is translated into Russian, it will turn out - “ creator of the Reich" Sounds better - " empire creator" or " creator of the nation».

Quotes from Bismarck:

Even the most successful outcome of the war will never lead to the collapse of Russia, which rests on millions of Russian believers of the Greek faith. These latter, even if they are separated as a result of international treaties, will reconnect with each other as quickly as separated droplets of mercury find their way to each other.

The great questions of the time are decided not by speeches and resolutions of the majority, but by iron and blood!

Anyone who has ever looked into the glassy eyes of a soldier dying on the battlefield will think twice before starting a war.

Don't expect that once you take advantage of Russia's weakness, you will receive dividends forever. Russians always come for their money. And when they come, do not rely on the Jesuit agreements you signed, which supposedly justify you. They are not worth the paper they are written on. Therefore, you should either play fairly with the Russians, or not play at all.

One and only one person must be responsible for every assigned task.

Politics is the science of the possible. Everything that lies beyond the bounds of the possible is pathetic literature for sad widows who have long lost hope of getting married...

The Russians cannot be defeated, we have been convinced of this for hundreds of years. But you can instill false values, and then they will defeat themselves!

Woe to the statesman who does not take the trouble to find a basis for war that will still retain its significance even after the war.

Even a victorious war is an evil that must be prevented by the wisdom of nations.

The press is not yet public opinion.

When the arguments run out, the guns start talking. Strength is the last argument of a stupid person.

The attitude of the state towards the teacher is a state policy that indicates either the strength of the state or its weakness.

The only healthy basis for a great state is state egoism, not romance, and it is unworthy of a great power to fight for a cause that does not concern its own interests.

The revolution is planned by romantics, carried out by fanatics, and scoundrels enjoy its fruits.

They never lie so much as during the war, after the hunt and before the elections.

Study as if you were to live forever; live as if you were going to die tomorrow.

With bad laws and good officials it is quite possible to rule the country.

Freedom is a luxury that not everyone can afford.

Life has taught me to forgive a lot, but even more to seek forgiveness.

Stupidity is a gift from God, but it should not be abused.

Currently, a lot is said and written about Russia’s relations with European countries, about the notorious EU sanctions against Russia, about the dubious course of Germany and its Chancellor Angela Merkel, who is trying to manage the European Union, torn by contradictions. It seems that German leaders have forgotten the lessons of the past. Both terrible world wars would not have happened if the German elites had not allowed Germany to be used as a military battering ram against Russia, and in their diplomacy they were more often guided by the advice of the founder of a unified German state, Otto von Bismarck.

Experts say that the German diplomatic service is one of those that is most well organized and efficient. Let's try to analyze the correctness of these statements and trace the main milestones of its formation.

The birth of the German diplomatic service took place in close connection with the creation of a unified German state in the second half of the 19th century. The concept of Germany at that time meant a territory in the center of Europe, where numerous and politically rather weak countries of the German language were located - kingdoms, principalities, duchies and free cities.

In accordance with the message of the Vienna Congress of 1815, all of them were purely formally part of the German Confederation, the only central body of which was the Federal Diet (Bundestag) in Frankfurt am Main, which essentially had no real power and received the nickname “Frankfurt talking shop” . Habsburg Austria presided there, with which Prussia tried to argue from time to time. Such fragmentation hampered the development of industry, science and culture, and was an obstacle to progress and the unification of the German nation.

The reunification of Germany took place under the leadership of Prussia during three wars: first with Denmark (1864), then with Austria (1866), finally with France (1870-1871), as a result of which the German Empire was created, in which the rest of the German lands and principalities entered, and the Prussian king was proclaimed Kaiser - i.e. emperor.

It should be especially noted that in the process of consolidation of the German Reich, the diplomacy of Prince Otto von Bismarck played a huge role - along with strengthening military power. Bismarck (1815 - 1898) was born into the family of a strong Prussian junker, where monarchical orders and devotion to the Hohenzollern dynasty were respected. Otto did not immediately become a diplomat and spent a number of years as an official in the judicial and administrative departments before his abilities were properly appreciated. In the days of his youth, the Prussian diplomatic service was dominated by people bearing foreign surnames. Knowledge of the French language was valued most of all, and later Bismarck wrote bitterly that “knowledge of this language, at least to the extent of a waiter’s knowledge, gave significant advantages in a diplomatic career.”

During the revolution of 1848, he showed himself as a supporter of decisive actions in defense of royal power and policies of sober calculation. Bismarck later served as Prussia's representative to the Diet in Frankfurt am Main, served as envoy to St. Petersburg and Paris, and then served as Chancellor of Prussia and the German Empire for 28 years. He was an outstanding politician who went down in the history of diplomacy as a statesman of exceptional energy and ability and who can be compared with such figures of the time as Metternich, Napoleon III and Gorchakov.

Bismarck’s political portrait includes irrepressible energy and iron will (that’s why he was called the “Iron Chancellor”), inflexibility in solving the problems facing him, the ability to realistically assess the situation and, finally, personal honesty, which distinguished him favorably from many other figures of that time.

Possessing a sense of reality, Bismarck well understood the objective tasks that were put forward by the very course of historical development. German reunification was becoming inevitable. But who will lead this process: cowardly liberals or supporters of Prussian hegemony? The years spent in the Frankfurt Bundestag made Bismarck a staunch opponent of “parliamentary chatter.” He begins to develop diplomatic maneuvers to isolate opponents and secure the Prussian path to German unity.

In correspondence with his comrades, Bismarck emphasizes that German princes and other monarchs respect, above all, strength. “Germany,” he wrote, “looks not at the liberalism of Prussia, but at its power. The great questions of the time are not resolved by speeches and parliamentary resolutions - that was the mistake of 1848–1849. - but with iron and blood.” He got down to business, accurately calculating the balance of power in the international arena. Bismarck demonstrated the strength of the Prussian army by striking at little Denmark and managing to involve Austria in this action, sharing the spoils of war with it. The latter included the territories of Schleswig and Holstein. During a series of diplomatic negotiations in St. Petersburg, London, Paris and Gastein, it became clear that the “policy of real values” pursued by Bismarck had yielded its first fruits and received recognition.

Bismarck always knew what he wanted and knew how to mobilize all possibilities to break his competitor. A distinctive feature of German diplomacy was its offensive nature. Pressure and blow served Bismarck as a means not only to defeat the enemy, but also to win friends for himself. And in order to ensure the loyalty of his ally, the Prussian chancellor sometimes kept a stone in his bosom against him.

Bismarck professionally eliminated Austria, which claimed leadership in Germany, from his path. It is known that during the Crimean War, Vienna took an anti-Russian position. Therefore, Bismarck, who became close to St. Petersburg on the basis of the Alvensleben Convention, understood well that Russian diplomacy would not object if the Prussians brought down the arrogance of the Viennese strategists. Bismarck achieved the neutrality of France, which was stuck in the Mexican adventure, by promising Napoleon III Luxembourg as compensation. Napoleon made it clear that Luxembourg is good, but Luxembourg and Belgium are even better. Bismarck did not refuse, but invited the French to put the project on paper, and then hid this valuable French document in his safe.

It should be noted that Bismarck, having defeated Austria in a short military campaign, did not allow Prussian troops to enter Vienna, and did not humiliate the Austrians, which helped him in the future to make them even his allies. For several years, he was preparing a war against France, which did not want to allow the reunification of Germany and the sharp increase in the role of Prussia in Europe. The goal of his diplomacy was to provoke a French attack on Prussia, isolate Paris internationally and present Berlin as a fighter for the honor and dignity of all Germans.

The role of the Ems dispatch, which dealt with the conversation between the King of Prussia and the French ambassador, is well known. Bismarck shortened and edited it in such a way that after the publication of this document in the newspaper, it was France that declared war on Prussia. He also did not forget about the French document that was in his safe regarding Napoleon III’s claims to Belgium. The document was published in the London Times newspaper and contributed to the exposure of France's aggressive plans.

The defeat of France by Prussia created a completely new situation in European politics. One of the main participants in the former Crimean anti-Russian coalition, France, has failed. The Treaty of Paris of 1856, which prohibited Russia from maintaining its navy in the Black Sea, began to falter. Chancellor Gorchakov correctly understood Bismarck's service and sent a circular to the European powers about Russia's refusal to accept the humiliating articles of the Paris treatise.

Reunified Germany became a strong power destined to play an important role in the international arena. The Frankfurt Peace of May 10, 1871 became the basis of the foreign policy of Bismarck's Germany. The Chancellor tried to perpetuate this peace and the annexation of Alsace and Lorraine to Germany. Naturally, he feared French revanchism and France’s desire to attract Austria and Russia to its side.

With his intelligence and political sense, Bismarck early realized the importance of Russia in European affairs. He learned well that Prussia was unlikely to be able to lead the unification of Germany unless it achieved favorable treatment from its great eastern neighbor. Bismarck repeatedly called on his comrades to build relations with Russia on the basis of mutual consideration of interests and in no case allow matters to lead to a military clash with it, especially warning against fighting on two fronts. He believed that an armed conflict with Russia would be a great disaster for Germany, because the Russian people cannot be defeated.

Polemicizing with supporters of the fight against Russia, Bismarck wrote in 1888: “This could be argued if such a war could lead to the defeat of Russia. But such a result, even after the most brilliant victories, is beyond all probability. Even the most favorable outcome of the war will never lead to the disintegration of the main strength of Russia, which is based on millions of Russians themselves. These latter, even if they are dismembered by international treatises, will also quickly reconnect with each other, like particles of a cut piece of mercury. This is the indestructible state of the Russian nation, strong with its climate, its spaces and limited needs.”

Bismarck understood the role and importance of Russia, learned a lot from Gorchakov, but was always guided only by cold calculations and the real state of affairs. “Until that time,” he pointed out, “until we have laid a more solid foundation for our relations with Austria, until such time as the understanding takes root in England that it can find its only and reliable ally on the continent in Germany, our good relations with Russia are of the greatest value to us.”

At a certain stage, Bismarck actively relied on the “alliance of the three emperors” (Russia, Germany and Austria-Hungary), trying to ensure with its help the international position of the German Reich that had developed after the Frankfurt Peace. He sought to exploit not only his political rapprochement with both empires, but also the contradictions between them. He no less tried to use in the interests of Germany the rivalry between Russia and England, which was already unfolding in Central Asia and the Middle East.

Bismarck made great efforts to prevent an alliance between France and Russia, fearing the possibility of a war on two fronts for Germany. Finally, having secured himself in the East, Bismarck, prompted by the growing interests of the expansion of German capital, embarked on a policy of colonial acquisitions, where complications with other colonial powers awaited him.

The German Foreign Office was created by Bismarck immediately after the unification of the country. Its head was Bismarck himself, who was simultaneously the Imperial Chancellor and Prime Minister of Prussia. It was called in German “Amt“ (department), which meant its subordination directly to the Imperial Chancellor.

Initially, this department was relatively small in number of personnel and inherited, structurally and organizationally, the features of a Prussian institution. It consisted of two departments: one was political, dealing with all diplomatic affairs, and the other - on consular and foreign trade issues. Later, the central department (personnel and finance), the legal department, the colonial affairs department, and the press and information department were formed. Great and constant attention was paid to the training of translators and lawyers.

It should be emphasized that the diplomatic service was then a privilege for people from noble families. Ambassadors, envoys and advisers were representatives of noble aristocratic families. By the way, today this tradition has been partially preserved. Thus, in a number of countries, for example, in Russia, representatives of the nobility are still appointed as ambassadors.

In the first years of its existence, the German Empire had only 4 embassies abroad - in the capitals of the most important powers (St. Petersburg, London, Vienna and Paris). The embassies were headed by ambassadors extraordinary and plenipotentiary. Later, embassies were established in Madrid, Washington, Tokyo and Rome. In other countries there were diplomatic missions headed by envoys. The network of the German consular service abroad was very significant. It consisted of consulates general and consulates, which simultaneously performed individual diplomatic functions.

Analyzing the activities of the diplomatic service of the German Reich created by Bismarck, it seems important to pay attention to the tasks that the Chancellor set for responsible employees of the central apparatus, as well as embassies and missions abroad. Always in the foreground were tasks related to a thorough analysis of the international situation, the study of trends in the ruling circles of a particular country and conclusions about what all this meant for the German Empire.

Reading Bismarck's reports to the emperor, his directives and letters to ambassadors, one cannot help but be amazed at how comprehensively, with arguments for and against, the problems of world politics are analyzed in them. And in all this one can see a complex and thoughtful concept of the planned actions. Bismarck did not tolerate adventuristic actions and, when planning the next diplomatic action, he always tried to play it safe.

Bismarck prepared seriously for conversations with foreign statesmen, knew how to make an appropriate impression on his interlocutor, and set specific goals. Thus, having visited London, Bismarck, in a conversation with Disraeli, revealed, in his characteristic manner, his political plans for the coming years. The talk was about the unification of Germany under the leadership of Prussia. Disraeli, accustomed to dealing in diplomacy with vague and cautious formulations, was greatly impressed by Bismarck's unexpected statement. He appreciated this new diplomatic manner of Bismarck and later told one of his friends: “Beware of him, he says what he thinks!”

Bismarck paid great attention to the negotiation process in general and multilateral diplomacy in particular. The development of directives and the concept of negotiations, attempts to predict a possible result can be traced through the example of the Berlin Congress of 1878.

Bismarck loved to maneuver and create confusing situations. But as a realpolitik diplomat, he never had any illusions that Austria would be victorious in a single combat with Russia. But he feared that if Russia prevailed over Austria, Germany - to a certain extent - would fall into a dependent position on its eastern neighbor. Therefore, he did not want to allow the defeat of Austria-Hungary. He saw it as a counterweight to Russia. At the same time, he did not abandon the idea of ​​​​using another counterweight - England.

In maneuvering between all these conflicting interests of the main European powers, but always taking into account his own political interests, was the role of Bismarck - the “honest broker” at the Berlin Congress. He did not want to allow Russia, which had won a brilliant victory over Turkey in the Balkan campaign, to receive too great benefits that could upset the fragile European balance of power.

Bismarck believed that a serious diplomatic service should skillfully rely on the press and influence it in the direction necessary for state interests. In his youth, Bismarck himself, hiding behind a pseudonym, was engaged in journalistic activities and in his feuilletons castigated frivolity and empty words. Subsequently, already as a minister and chancellor, he managed to put a significant part of the press at his service. In diplomacy he was never a journalist, but in journalism he was always a politician and diplomat. With the help of the press, Bismarck's diplomatic service warned or exposed, attracted attention or, on the contrary, distracted it. There were cases when the most important articles for newspapers were written under his dictation.

Although Bismarck did not like discussions and disputes, he was aware that in the interests of state, all the main departments of Germany must act together to achieve their goals. Achieving this then was far from easy, because generals and financiers were not inclined to listen to diplomats and cared little about coordination. Bismarck persistently tried to pursue the line of interaction and coordination of the tasks of the diplomatic service with the actions of the military and financial departments. Confirmation of this can be found in the chancellor’s memoirs “Thoughts and Memories”. In particular, this is evidenced by conversations and exchanges of letters with War Minister von Roon.

From diplomats of the German Reich, Bismarck, not forgetting the impressions of his own service abroad, demanded, first of all, the ability to defend the interests of the state, delve deeply into the essence of foreign policy problems, understand policy priorities, and not skim the surface. “...Our diplomatic reports, especially those addressed to the king, were written in French. True, this was not always observed, but officially remained in force until my appointment as minister. Among our older envoys, I knew several who, without understanding politics, reached the highest positions solely due to the fact that they were fluent in French; and they reported in their reports only what they could fluently express in this language. Back in 1862, I myself had to write my official reports from St. Petersburg in French.”

The last five years of his service as Imperial Chancellor were the period of Bismarck's greatest diplomatic activity. He began to take more into account the economic claims of the strengthened German industrialists and farmers, which, in particular, noticeably affected German customs policy. When Bismarck tried to put pressure on Russia, refusing to provide it with loans, a natural rapprochement between St. Petersburg and French bankers arose - this frightened the chancellor.

When the British Secretary of State for India, Lord Randolph Churchill, tried, with the help of various promises, to entice Bismarck onto the path of an obvious anti-Russian policy, he immediately saw this as a trap and wrote to the German ambassador in London, Hatzfeld: “We would be willing to help England in all matters. But we cannot sacrifice our good relations with Russia for this. Our borders in the East are too long for us to put ourselves in such a dangerous position when, in the event of a war with France, we would have to devote half of our army to defend the eastern border.”

Bismarck did not want Germany to find itself in a position where it would have to “pull chestnuts out of the fire” in the interests of England, since he did not have much confidence in Albion, but he was not at all opposed to others doing this in the interests of Berlin.

In conclusion, it should be noted that the period of German unification was marked by exceptionally rapid growth of the country's entire economy. German capitalism, in comparison with England and France, took a sharp lead at this time. The technical and organizational advantages of industry were combined here with the presence of a perfect military machine. The old chancellor knew how to govern Germany. Well, what if a new navigator appears on the captain's bridge? All this led objectively to a new aggravation of contradictions in the international arena.

In conclusion, it must be emphasized that whenever the ruling elites of Germany ignored the will of the creator of a unified German state, Otto von Bismarck, and were drawn into military conflicts with Russia, Germany suffered military and political collapse (World War I and World War II). Currently, against the backdrop of the conflict in Ukraine and Syria, we are forced to admit that Germany is once again allowing itself to be used as an instrument of pressure on Russia - which could result in a disaster both for Germany itself and for the whole of Europe. In contrast to current trends, it is necessary to purposefully develop Russian-German cultural, scientific and economic cooperation. An equal and mutually beneficial partnership between Russia and Germany is the key to peace, stability and power of the entire Eurasian continent.

"Iron Chancellor"

Otto Bismarck went down in history as the first Chancellor of the German Empire. Under his leadership, the unification of Germany was carried out through a “revolution from above.” He managed to transform the country into a powerful industrial power.

In the second half of the nineteenth century, the need for unification became acute for numerous German states. Instead of the Holy Roman Empire of the German nation, which collapsed in 1806, the German Confederation arose in 1815, which included 39 independent states. Austria played a leading role in it. However, this did not suit Prussia. An increasingly escalating conflict arose between Vienna and Berlin.

In 1862, Bismarck (Otto von Bismarck) became Prime Minister of Prussia. It is through wars that Bismarck hopes to determine the fate of Germany. The rivalry between Austria and Prussia resulted in open war in 1866. The Prussian army quickly defeated the Austrian one. The German Confederation is declared dissolved. Instead, in 1867, on the initiative of Bismarck, a new association was created - the North German Confederation, which, in addition to Prussia, included the small states of Northern Germany. This alliance became the basis for the creation of an empire led by Prussia.

Unification of legislation

However, initially the power of the new emperor, William I, was still very weak. The German Empire, proclaimed on January 18, 1871, is a federation of 25 states. Otto Bismarck receives the highest government post of Imperial Chancellor, and in accordance with the constitution of 1871, virtually unlimited power. He pursues a very pragmatic policy, the main goal of which is to unite the loose empire. New laws appear one after another.

These laws are aimed at unifying legislation and creating a single economic and currency space. In the early years, Bismarck had to reckon with the liberals who made up the parliamentary majority. But the desire to provide Prussia with a dominant position in the empire, to strengthen the traditional hierarchy and its own power caused constant friction in the relationship between the chancellor and parliament.

In 1872-1875, on Bismarck's initiative, laws were passed against the Catholic Church to deprive the clergy of the right to supervise schools, to prohibit the Jesuit order in Germany, to compulsory civil marriage, and to abolish articles of the constitution that provided for the autonomy of the church. These measures, dictated by purely political considerations of the struggle against the clerical opposition, seriously limited the rights of the Catholic clergy.

"Law on Socialists"

Bismarck fights even more decisively against social democracy. He considers this movement “socially dangerous and hostile to the state.” In 1878, he passed the Socialist Law through the Reichstag: Social Democrats were prohibited from meeting and distributing their literature, and their leaders were persecuted.

The "Iron Chancellor" is also trying to win over the sympathies of the working class to his side. In 1881-1889, Bismarck passed “social laws” on insurance of workers in case of illness or injury, on old-age and disability pensions. This was a unique example in the history of Europe at that time. However, in parallel, Bismarck continues to apply repressive measures to participants in the labor movement, which ultimately nullifies the results of his policy.

Germany takes the lead

The formation of their own national state was greeted with enthusiasm among all segments of the population. The general enthusiasm also has a beneficial effect on the economy, which is not short of cash. Moreover, France, which lost the war of 1870-1871, undertook to pay an indemnity to the German Empire. New factories are springing up everywhere. Germany is rapidly transforming from an agricultural country to an industrial one.

The Chancellor carries out a skillful foreign policy. With the help of a complex system of alliances that ensured the isolation of France, the rapprochement of Germany with Austria-Hungary and the maintenance of good relations with Russia, Bismarck managed to maintain peace in Europe. The German Empire became one of the leaders in international politics.

Decline of a career

After the death of William I on March 9, 1888, turbulent times set in for the empire. His son Frederick inherits the throne, however, he dies three months later. The next monarch, William II, having a low opinion of Bismarck, quickly comes into conflict with him.

By this time, the system itself, formed by the chancellor, began to fail. A rapprochement between Russia and France was planned. Germany's colonial expansion, which began in the 1980s, strained Anglo-German relations. Bismarck's failure in domestic policy was the failure of his plan to turn the "exceptional law" against the socialists into a permanent one. In 1890, Bismarck was dismissed and spent the last 8 years of his life on his estate Friedrichsruhe.